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- | 443 | + | See [[http://www.sagepub.com/upm-data/42241_14.pdf|Theories of Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations]] |
- | CHAPTER 14 | + | {{:42241_14.pdf|Theories of Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations}} |
- | Theories of ComputerMediated Communication | + | |
- | and Interpersonal Relations | + | |
- | Joseph B. Walther | + | |
- | Computer-mediated communication (CMC) | + | |
- | systems, in a variety of forms, have | + | |
- | become integral to the initiation, development, | + | |
- | and maintenance of interpersonal relationships. | + | |
- | They are involved in the subtle shaping | + | |
- | of communication in almost every relational | + | |
- | context. We may observe or participate in the | + | |
- | conversations of huge numbers of social actors, | + | |
- | from the Twitter messages of experts we have | + | |
- | never met to one’s family’s blog and from messaging | + | |
- | a barely acquainted Facebook friend to | + | |
- | coordinating with one’s spouse through texting | + | |
- | about who will pick up the kids that day or saying | + | |
- | via e-mail that one is sorry about the fight | + | |
- | they had that morning. Individuals exploit the | + | |
- | features of these media to make their best impression | + | |
- | and attract attention or to ward off undesired | + | |
- | contacts (Tong & Walther, 2011a). We | + | |
- | continually form and re-form our impressions | + | |
- | and evaluations of others online, from deciding | + | |
- | whose recommendations to trust in discussion | + | |
- | boards (Van Der Heide, 2008) to evaluating the | + | |
- | friend who portrays himself online in a not quite | + | |
- | accurate way (DeAndrea & Walther, in press). | + | |
- | Although many people perceive that social media | + | |
- | messages are trivial and banal, so is the stuff by | + | |
- | which relationships are maintained (Duck, Rutt, | + | |
- | Hurst, & Strejc, 1991; Tong & Walther, 2011b). | + | |
- | The ubiquity of CMC is not sufficient impetus | + | |
- | for it to be a focus of study in interpersonal communication | + | |
- | research. How CMC changes our | + | |
- | messages—how they are constructed, | + | |
- | specific relational purposes or with lesser or | + | |
- | greater effect—remain important questions that | + | |
- | continue to drive inquiry in interpersonal CMC | + | |
- | research. How does the Internet affect the likelihood | + | |
- | of having relationships? | + | |
- | how do we manage these relationships? | + | |
- | disclosures and affectations influence others and | + | |
- | ourselves, and how do online interpersonal processes | + | |
- | affect the instrumental and group dynamics | + | |
- | that technology enables? How do we exploit | + | |
- | existing technologies for relational purposes, and | + | |
- | how do we evade the potential dampening effects | + | |
- | that technologies otherwise may impose on | + | |
- | relational communication? | + | |
- | 444——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | developers incorporate features into communication | + | |
- | systems specifically designed to support and | + | |
- | enhance relational functions? | + | |
- | There are many methodologies employed in | + | |
- | studying CMC and social interaction. Large-scale, | + | |
- | sophisticated surveys enumerate what people are | + | |
- | doing online and why they say they are doing | + | |
- | them (e.g., Katz & Rice, 2002; the Pew Internet & | + | |
- | American Life Project at http://pewinternet.org/). | + | |
- | There are accounts of the metaphors that define | + | |
- | the online experience for Internet date seekers | + | |
- | (e.g., Heino, Ellison, & Gibbs, 2010) and interpretive | + | |
- | investigators’ insights from interacting with | + | |
- | groups of young people about what is going on | + | |
- | and what it means online (boyd, 2007). Conference | + | |
- | proceedings from design experiments report cognitive | + | |
- | and affective responses to variations in the | + | |
- | representation of others’ online behaviors or different | + | |
- | interface characteristics with which to | + | |
- | behave online (e.g., the ACM Digital Library | + | |
- | at http:// | + | |
- | recent and forthcoming volumes address different | + | |
- | aspects of interpersonal interaction online, | + | |
- | including works by Amichai-Hamburger (2005), | + | |
- | Baym (2010), Joinson, McKenna, Postmes, and | + | |
- | Reips (2007), Konijn, Utz, Tanis, and Barnes | + | |
- | (2008), Papacharissi (2010), Whitty and Carr | + | |
- | (2006), and Wright and Webb (2011), among others. | + | |
- | Any of these approaches provide glimpses | + | |
- | into the changing landscape of interpersonal | + | |
- | communication and CMC. No one chapter can | + | |
- | paint this landscape or summarize it well. Worse | + | |
- | yet, such an amalgamation of facts would suffer | + | |
- | from a lack of coherence, reflecting a field with | + | |
- | more work being done than consensus on what | + | |
- | work should be done. Moreover, to describe what | + | |
- | people are doing interpersonally with CMC today | + | |
- | would be to invite obsolescence very quickly, | + | |
- | given the pace of change in communication and | + | |
- | technology. Readers who expect such an accounting | + | |
- | in this essay will be disappointed. | + | |
- | Alternatively, | + | |
- | are now a greater number of theoretical positions | + | |
- | directly related to CMC than any single overview | + | |
- | of the field has previously described. Some theories | + | |
- | have matured and are due for evaluation, | + | |
- | both in light of a number of empirical tests of | + | |
- | their validity, and intensions and extensions of | + | |
- | their explanatory power. New technological | + | |
- | developments may have enlarged or diminished | + | |
- | their relative scope. Newer theories have also | + | |
- | arisen, some barely tested, the ultimate utility of | + | |
- | which remains to be seen. This is not to suggest | + | |
- | that the only theories the field needs are those | + | |
- | focusing specifically on CMC. As Yzer and | + | |
- | Southwell (2008) suggested, the most useful | + | |
- | explanations of CMC may be those that rest | + | |
- | strongly on robust theories developed in traditional | + | |
- | contexts. For the present purposes, the | + | |
- | chapter focuses on CMC-specific theoretical formulations. | + | |
- | As Scott (2009) observed, “We can’t | + | |
- | keep up with new innovations, | + | |
- | and models that can” (p. 754). | + | |
- | This chapter provides, first, a description and | + | |
- | evaluation of 13 major and minor theories of | + | |
- | CMC. Although readers may find many of these | + | |
- | approaches reviewed in other sources, particular | + | |
- | efforts have been made to review the theories’ | + | |
- | development and status since the publication of | + | |
- | the previous edition of this Handbook (see | + | |
- | Walther & Parks, 2002). These theories are classified | + | |
- | according to their conceptualization of the | + | |
- | way users respond to the characteristics of CMC | + | |
- | systems, particularly in the adaptation to cue | + | |
- | systems that differ from face-to-face communication. | + | |
- | These theories include the now standard | + | |
- | classification of cues-filtered-out theories, which | + | |
- | assert that systematic reductions in the nonverbal | + | |
- | cues conveyed by different communication systems | + | |
- | lead to impersonal orientations among | + | |
- | users. There are differences among the foci of | + | |
- | impersonal orientations, | + | |
- | and others quite specific and social in nature. | + | |
- | The second group of theories depicts how characteristics | + | |
- | of communicators, | + | |
- | with others, and contextual factors affect the | + | |
- | perceived capacities of different communication | + | |
- | systems. These perceptions, | + | |
- | expressiveness and normative uses of these same | + | |
- | technologies as if the capacities themselves had | + | |
- | changed. The next set of theories reflects the | + | |
- | ways in which communicators adapt to or exploit | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——445 | + | |
- | the cue limitations of CMC systems to achieve or | + | |
- | surpass face-to-face levels of affinity. Finally, new | + | |
- | theoretical ideas are mentioned that address the | + | |
- | utility of different media over the progression of | + | |
- | usage sequences or relational stages or compare | + | |
- | media effects of different kinds based on the relative | + | |
- | effortfulness of different channels. The discussion | + | |
- | includes numerous examples from | + | |
- | research that help exemplify critical findings | + | |
- | related to these frameworks. | + | |
- | The chapter ends with a few notes of concern | + | |
- | about trends in contemporary CMC research. | + | |
- | These trends represent understandable developments | + | |
- | given the nature of the field, yet they also | + | |
- | present potential problems in the further development | + | |
- | of knowledge in certain domains. These | + | |
- | concerns involve the role of face-to-face comparisons | + | |
- | in technology-focused research, the | + | |
- | potential impact of new technologies on earlier | + | |
- | CMC theories, and the implications of multimodality | + | |
- | in relationships (i.e., how to learn about | + | |
- | the usage of a variety of communication systems | + | |
- | within any single relationship). | + | |
- | Cues-Filtered-Out Theories | + | |
- | As numerous reviews have reflected, Culnan and | + | |
- | Markus (1987) coined the term cues-filtered-out | + | |
- | to describe a group of theories sharing the premise | + | |
- | that CMC has no nonverbal cues and therefore | + | |
- | occludes the accomplishment of social | + | |
- | functions that typically involve those cues. | + | |
- | Social Presence Theory | + | |
- | Social presence theory was imported from teleconferencing | + | |
- | research as one of the first analytic | + | |
- | frameworks applied to CMC. Short, Williams, | + | |
- | and Christie’s (1976) theory argued that various | + | |
- | communication media differed in their capacity | + | |
- | to transmit classes of nonverbal communication | + | |
- | in addition to verbal content. The fewer the | + | |
- | number of cue systems a system supported, the | + | |
- | less warmth and involvement users experienced | + | |
- | with one another. Hiltz, Johnson, and Agle (1978) | + | |
- | and Rice and Case (1983) first applied this model | + | |
- | to CMC, using it to predict that CMC rendered | + | |
- | less socio-emotional content than other, multimodal | + | |
- | forms of communication. Numerous experiments | + | |
- | supported these contentions. Nevertheless, | + | |
- | a number of theoretical and methodological | + | |
- | critiques by other researchers challenged the | + | |
- | social presence explanation of CMC dynamics | + | |
- | (e.g., Lea & Spears, 1992; Walther, 1992). These | + | |
- | critiques challenged several assumptions of the | + | |
- | social presence model and identified artifacts in | + | |
- | the research protocols that supported its application | + | |
- | to CMC. | + | |
- | Despite the demise of social presence in some | + | |
- | quarters of CMC research, extensive research | + | |
- | and definition efforts have continued with | + | |
- | respect to the role of presence with regard to settings | + | |
- | such as virtual reality and computer-based | + | |
- | gaming. Biocca, Harms, and Burgoon (2003) | + | |
- | suggested definitional issues that a robust theory | + | |
- | of social presence might require and the prospective | + | |
- | benefits of a renewed social presence | + | |
- | theory for comparing effects among various | + | |
- | media. K. M. Lee (2004) highlighted the various | + | |
- | conceptions of presence in related literatures, | + | |
- | including telepresence, | + | |
- | presence, as each construct describes somewhat | + | |
- | different states of awareness of the self and others | + | |
- | during electronic communication (see also | + | |
- | Lombard & Ditton, 1997). Nevertheless, | + | |
- | various constructs and related measures are | + | |
- | often used interchangeably or in duplication. | + | |
- | Nowak and Biocca’s (2003) experiment on the | + | |
- | optimal level of anthropomorphism for avatars, | + | |
- | for example, compared the research participants’ | + | |
- | responses to lifelike, cartoonish, or abstract avatars | + | |
- | on measures of presence, copresence, and | + | |
- | social presence. Each of the presence variables | + | |
- | reflected the same result: Abstract rather than | + | |
- | lifelike avatars stimulated the greatest presence | + | |
- | responses. | + | |
- | Although researchers have in large part | + | |
- | rejected the notion that CMC is inherently inferior | + | |
- | to traditional communication media on outcomes | + | |
- | such as social presence, there appears to be | + | |
- | a resurgence of presence-related evaluations that | + | |
- | 446——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | that were common in first-generation CMC (i.e., | + | |
- | text-based e-mail, chat, and discussions) being | + | |
- | applied to next-generation CMC, which features | + | |
- | photos, graphics, avatars, or videos. Many individuals | + | |
- | apparently assume that we no longer | + | |
- | need to concern ourselves with earlier forms of | + | |
- | minimal-cue CMC (or research about them) | + | |
- | now that we have systems with greater bandwidth | + | |
- | and presence. Education technologists, | + | |
- | particular, have been eager to recommend avatarbased | + | |
- | interactions in Second Life as a cure for | + | |
- | what remains, in the view of many, an impoverished | + | |
- | level of social presence in plain-text educational | + | |
- | conferencing (see Baker, Wentz, & Woods, | + | |
- | 2009; Barnes, 2009; Childress & Braswell, 2006; | + | |
- | Gunawardena, | + | |
- | avatars’ interpersonal impact beyond what may | + | |
- | be expected due to novelty or to the hyperpersonal | + | |
- | intercultural potential of asynchronous | + | |
- | learning networks (e.g., Oren, Mioduser, & | + | |
- | Nachmias, 2002). In a world where we know our | + | |
- | communication partners by photo if not by face, | + | |
- | plain-text CMC with no additional multimedia | + | |
- | is, in some corners, being retro-conceptualized as | + | |
- | never having been quite good enough, especially | + | |
- | in comparison with the more presence-bearing | + | |
- | media that seem (for now) to be here to stay. It | + | |
- | appears that, although the formal theory of social | + | |
- | presence has become disregarded in many quarters | + | |
- | of CMC research, the concept of social presence | + | |
- | as an inherent consequence of multiple cues | + | |
- | remains alive and well (e.g., Bente, Rüggenberg, | + | |
- | Krämer, & Eschenburg, 2008). | + | |
- | It remains to be seen whether social presence | + | |
- | or some other construct and framework will | + | |
- | emerge to account for why individuals use various | + | |
- | new media for various relational activities. | + | |
- | Observers of the new multimodal world of relationships | + | |
- | have yet to identify coherent explanations | + | |
- | about the relational functions and goals to | + | |
- | which older new media and newer new media | + | |
- | are being strategically applied. Meanwhile, | + | |
- | plain-text messaging through e-mail, mobile | + | |
- | phones, and the 140-character Twitter tweet | + | |
- | suggest that text-based CMC is not at all gone. | + | |
- | The subject of multiple media, interpersonal | + | |
- | functions, and sequences is discussed once more | + | |
- | at the end of this chapter. | + | |
- | Lack of Social Context Cues | + | |
- | Like social presence theory, the lack of social | + | |
- | context cues hypothesis (Siegel, Dubrovsky, | + | |
- | Kiesler, & Mcguire, 1986; Sproull & Kiesler, 1986) | + | |
- | once guided numerous studies on the interpersonal | + | |
- | and group impacts of CMC, although it has | + | |
- | been more or less set aside in response to contradictions | + | |
- | that became apparent in native Internet | + | |
- | environments (see Sproull & Faraj, 1997), as well | + | |
- | as to formal theoretical and empirical challenges. | + | |
- | The framework originally specified that CMC | + | |
- | occluded the cues to individuality and normative | + | |
- | behavior that face-to-face interaction transacts | + | |
- | nonverbally. As a result, according to the model, | + | |
- | CMC users became deindividuated and normless; | + | |
- | CMC prevented users from attuning to others’ | + | |
- | individual characteristics, | + | |
- | dominance, or affection, resulting in a cognitive | + | |
- | reorientation of its users. The lack of nonverbal | + | |
- | cues led them to become self-focused and resistant | + | |
- | to influence, disinhibited, | + | |
- | affectively negative. | + | |
- | As with social presence theory, a number of | + | |
- | critical issues related to the research paradigms | + | |
- | accompanying the lack of social context cues | + | |
- | approach, and to the various theoretical issues it | + | |
- | raised, have led to the model’s retreat. Negative | + | |
- | social responses to CMC have been accounted for | + | |
- | theoretically through more complex frameworks | + | |
- | that can explain both negative affective outcomes | + | |
- | as well as positive ones, in formulations | + | |
- | incorporating CMC’s impersonal, interpersonal, | + | |
- | and hyperpersonal effects (see Walther, 1996). | + | |
- | Researchers articulated alternative assumptions | + | |
- | and employed different research designs, leading | + | |
- | to the development of second-generation theories | + | |
- | of CMC. These latter positions predict different | + | |
- | social and interpersonal effects of CMC | + | |
- | media depending on other contextual factors | + | |
- | (Walther, 2010). | + | |
- | That said, research still surfaces that shares the | + | |
- | basic premises of the lack of social context cues | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——447 | + | |
- | hypothesis, and such studies, ironically, often | + | |
- | include methodological strategies that were criticized | + | |
- | with regard to the original research on the | + | |
- | lack of social context cues and social presence | + | |
- | models. One such approach has appeared in several | + | |
- | experiments on compliance gaining and | + | |
- | social influence in CMC (e.g., Guadagno & | + | |
- | Cialdini, 2002): The absence of nonverbal cues in | + | |
- | CMC is said to prevent communicators from | + | |
- | detecting demographic, | + | |
- | characteristics of others. The implication | + | |
- | in this case is that CMC confers no peripheral | + | |
- | cues to persuasion (see Petty & Cacioppo, 1986). | + | |
- | As a result, it is suggested, CMC users process | + | |
- | messages based on argument strength—that is, | + | |
- | through central routes to persuasion alone—and | + | |
- | they experience less overall attitude change than | + | |
- | do off-line communicators. Methodologically, | + | |
- | such research has employed very short interaction | + | |
- | sessions among strangers in CMC and faceto-face | + | |
- | (e.g., Di Blasio & Milani, 2008), an | + | |
- | approach that has been demonstrated elsewhere | + | |
- | to impose a time-by-medium interaction effect, | + | |
- | artifactually dampening impression formation in | + | |
- | CMC (for a review, see Walther, 1992, 1996). | + | |
- | Other persuasion research following a lack | + | |
- | of social context cues approach apparently | + | |
- | employed short, scripted real-time chat sessions | + | |
- | as the operationalization of e-mail yet made | + | |
- | claims about e-mail’s persuasion-related potential | + | |
- | on that platform (Guadagno & Cialdini, | + | |
- | 2007). Whereas gender-by-medium differences | + | |
- | in persuadability are obtained in such research, it | + | |
- | is difficult to know how to generalize these findings. | + | |
- | Using synchronous CMC chat to describe | + | |
- | asynchronous e-mail is a questionable, | + | |
- | certainly not a novel, approach. This conflation | + | |
- | should be of concern, although differences due to | + | |
- | synchronous versus asynchronous CMC remain | + | |
- | understudied in CMC research. | + | |
- | In a similar vein, Epley and Kruger (2005) | + | |
- | argued that e-mail’s lack of nonverbal cues prevents | + | |
- | users from deciphering others’ individual | + | |
- | characteristics following the presentation of a | + | |
- | false pre-interaction expectancy about a pending | + | |
- | conversational partner. The authors conducted | + | |
- | several experiments in which they primed interviewers | + | |
- | to expect a high or low level of intelligence | + | |
- | or extraversion from an interviewee. Some | + | |
- | dyads communicated using a voice-based system, | + | |
- | while so-called e-mail communicators used a | + | |
- | real-time CMC chat system. In the voice conditions, | + | |
- | although conversations were restricted to | + | |
- | simple, predetermined questions and spontaneous | + | |
- | answers, they constituted actual interactions | + | |
- | between two real (randomly assigned) persons. | + | |
- | In contrast, there was no real interaction between | + | |
- | CMC interviewers and their ostensible interviewees, | + | |
- | since the responses interviewers received | + | |
- | to their questions were sent by a researcher who | + | |
- | had transcribed what a voice-based interviewee | + | |
- | had said to a different, voice-based interviewer. | + | |
- | This research strategy was intended to prevent | + | |
- | the introduction of random variations in CMC | + | |
- | users’ language in order to provide a true test of | + | |
- | the difference between CMC and speech. Epley | + | |
- | and Kruger found that expectancies persisted in | + | |
- | the post-CMC evaluations of partners, although | + | |
- | they dissipated in voice. | + | |
- | A replication of this work by Walther, | + | |
- | DeAndrea, and Tong (2010) challenged the former | + | |
- | study’s methods, particularly the use of | + | |
- | transcribed speech as the operationalization of | + | |
- | CMC interviewee responses. This concern | + | |
- | focused on the lack of real interactions in the | + | |
- | prior study and the employment of language that | + | |
- | had been generated accompanying voice, in | + | |
- | speech, as if it was structurally and functionally | + | |
- | identical to the language that is generated in | + | |
- | spontaneous CMC, where communicators know | + | |
- | that there are no vocal cues to convey identity | + | |
- | and social meanings. Walther, DeAndrea, and | + | |
- | Tong argued that CMC users adapt to the | + | |
- | medium by altering their language in a way that | + | |
- | compensates for the absence of nonverbal cues. | + | |
- | Their study therefore involved bona fide interviewees | + | |
- | in both voice and CMC who could generate | + | |
- | naturalistic responses to interviewers in | + | |
- | both media. CMC users’ postdiscussion impressions | + | |
- | were rated as more intelligent than those of | + | |
- | voice-based partners, in contrast to Epley and | + | |
- | Kruger’s (2005) findings and consistent with the | + | |
- | 448——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | hyperpersonal model of CMC (Walther, 1996). | + | |
- | Impressions changed in conjunction with the | + | |
- | number of utterances exchanged, consistent with | + | |
- | the social information processing theory of CMC | + | |
- | (Walther, 1992). | + | |
- | Indeed, the history of contradictions between | + | |
- | cues-filtered-out findings and the more prosocial | + | |
- | effects of CMC can be explained in part by the | + | |
- | methodological constraints on CMC interaction, | + | |
- | which reflect competing theoretical orientations | + | |
- | about communication and CMC (Fulk & Gould, | + | |
- | 2009; Walther, 2010). | + | |
- | Media Richness | + | |
- | Media richness theory (Daft & Lengel, 1986), | + | |
- | also known as information richness theory (Daft | + | |
- | & Lengel, 1984), originally modeled the relative | + | |
- | efficiency of different communication media for | + | |
- | reducing equivocality in organizational decision | + | |
- | making. It has also been applied to interpersonal | + | |
- | situations either formally or informally. The | + | |
- | term rich media is often used casually in the | + | |
- | literature to signify multimodal or greaterbandwidth | + | |
- | media, that is, communication media | + | |
- | that support multiple verbal and nonverbal cue | + | |
- | systems. | + | |
- | Media richness theory seems to be one of the | + | |
- | most popular models of CMC (for a review, see | + | |
- | D’Urso & Rains, 2008). This may be because some | + | |
- | of its core constructs are so intuitively appealing, | + | |
- | especially the media richness construct. This construct, | + | |
- | in turn, is defined theoretically by four | + | |
- | subdimensions: | + | |
- | supported by a medium, (2) the immediacy of | + | |
- | feedback provided by a medium (from unidirectional | + | |
- | to asynchronously bidirectional to simultaneous | + | |
- | bidirectional interaction), | + | |
- | for natural language (compared with the more | + | |
- | formal genre of memoranda, business letters, or | + | |
- | data printouts), and (4) message personalization | + | |
- | (i.e., the degree to which a message can be made | + | |
- | to address a specific individual). So in the original | + | |
- | formulation, | + | |
- | richest mode because it includes multiple-cue | + | |
- | systems, simultaneous sender-and-receiver | + | |
- | exchanges (providing great immediacy of feedback), | + | |
- | natural language, and message personalization. | + | |
- | Telephones, letters, and memoranda each | + | |
- | offer progressively declining levels of richness. | + | |
- | The second core construct of the model is the | + | |
- | equivocality of a messaging situation. Equivocality | + | |
- | is defined as the degree to which a decisionmaking | + | |
- | situation and information related to it are | + | |
- | subject to multiple interpretations. | + | |
- | The theory argues that there is a match | + | |
- | between the equivocality of a message situation | + | |
- | and the richness of the medium with which to | + | |
- | address it: To be most efficient, greater equivocality | + | |
- | requires more media richness, and lesser | + | |
- | equivocality requires leaner media. Although the | + | |
- | theory was originally formulated so that the result | + | |
- | of optimal match (or of mismatch) affects efficiency, | + | |
- | it is often described in the literature as | + | |
- | being related to communication effectiveness. | + | |
- | It is somewhat surprising that the theory | + | |
- | remains as frequently employed as it does given | + | |
- | that, even within the domain of organizational | + | |
- | communication, | + | |
- | support. The first empirical investigation of the | + | |
- | theory (Daft, Lengel, & Trevino, 1987) addressed | + | |
- | it indirectly by asking managers to indicate in a | + | |
- | questionnaire what media they would use to | + | |
- | address a list of various communication situations. | + | |
- | These situations had been rated by other | + | |
- | research participants in terms of their equivocality. | + | |
- | The degree to which the test managers’ media | + | |
- | selections (in terms of richness) matched the situations’ | + | |
- | equivocality led to a media sensitivity score | + | |
- | for each manager. Through inspection of the | + | |
- | same managers’ personnel evaluations, | + | |
- | found a correlation between media sensitivity | + | |
- | and managerial performance. These results were | + | |
- | interpreted as supporting the theory. | + | |
- | One can see that the investigation described | + | |
- | above does not actually test the theoretical relationships | + | |
- | specified by the theory; rather, it evaluates | + | |
- | peripheral processes and implications that | + | |
- | may be related to the model less directly. That is, | + | |
- | rather than examining direct relationships | + | |
- | between the actual use of differently rich media, | + | |
- | equivocal message situations, and efficiency | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——449 | + | |
- | (e.g., the time and effort required), Daft et al. | + | |
- | (1987) examined organizationally related implications | + | |
- | of managers’ projections of media selection. | + | |
- | Such findings have been contested by other | + | |
- | researchers in a variety of ways. For example, | + | |
- | Markus (1994) questions whether the projective, | + | |
- | self-report approach to asking managers what | + | |
- | media they would choose for various communication | + | |
- | tasks generalizes to managers’ actual | + | |
- | media use. In her own study, Markus found that | + | |
- | managers express media selection preferences | + | |
- | very consistent with the matches prescribed by | + | |
- | Daft and Lengel (1986) when completing questionnaires. | + | |
- | By shadowing several managers, however, | + | |
- | Markus found that their media selection | + | |
- | behavior frequently departed from their questionnaire | + | |
- | responses. It appears that managers | + | |
- | hold normative beliefs about media choice that | + | |
- | align with the media richness model but the normal | + | |
- | constraints and spontaneous-communication | + | |
- | needs that they face lead them to select | + | |
- | media in ways that defy media richness sensibilities, | + | |
- | and according to Markus, they do not suffer | + | |
- | any decrement in performance as a result. | + | |
- | A second significant threat to the model came | + | |
- | in the form of an experiment by Dennis and | + | |
- | Kinney (1998) that sought to test directly the | + | |
- | core theoretical dynamics of media richness theory | + | |
- | as well as its extension toward interpersonal | + | |
- | perceptions of online collaborators. This study | + | |
- | involved small groups that addressed a simple or | + | |
- | equivocal task, using videoconferencing (greater | + | |
- | in richness) or text-based messaging (lower in | + | |
- | richness). They found that media richness produced | + | |
- | differences in the time it took different | + | |
- | groups to complete their tasks. Media richness | + | |
- | did not, however, interact with task equivocality | + | |
- | to affect decision quality or interpersonal perceptions. | + | |
- | More recent work examined media richness | + | |
- | variations with differences in high-context | + | |
- | versus low-context cultural backgrounds of users | + | |
- | (Setlock, Quinones, & Fussell, 2007). Researchers | + | |
- | predicted that there would be more benefit from | + | |
- | using videoconferencing than from a reducedbandwidth | + | |
- | medium among those from a highcontext | + | |
- | culture (see Hall, 1976). Culture, however, | + | |
- | did not interact with media richness differences | + | |
- | on conversational efficiency, task performance, | + | |
- | or satisfaction. | + | |
- | Walther and Parks (2002) criticized the model | + | |
- | as being unable to generate hypotheses that apply | + | |
- | to many forms of CMC. Their concern focused | + | |
- | on the four subdimensions of richness. When | + | |
- | applying these criteria to traditional media, it is | + | |
- | easy to see that all four dimensions tend to vary in | + | |
- | conjunction with one another as one compares | + | |
- | media. As one moves away from face-to-face to | + | |
- | memoranda, for example, there are fewer code | + | |
- | systems, less immediacy of feedback, less natural | + | |
- | language, and little message personalization. | + | |
- | However, e-mail does not fit into this scheme so | + | |
- | neatly. Although e-mail is generally text based and | + | |
- | therefore low in multiple codes, it may be | + | |
- | exchanged relatively rapidly (if all addressees are | + | |
- | online at the same time), it may use natural language | + | |
- | (or formal language), and its capacity for | + | |
- | message personalization is great. Likewise, one | + | |
- | may use Facebook to broadcast information | + | |
- | about oneself to a large audience, but Facebook | + | |
- | also features public displays of relatively private | + | |
- | one-to-one messages between friends that are | + | |
- | sometimes very personally, even idiosyncratically, | + | |
- | encoded. As these examples should make clear, | + | |
- | media richness theory offers no clear method for | + | |
- | ascribing a unitary richness value when the | + | |
- | underlying criteria that constitute richness may | + | |
- | reflect very different values, and researchers cannot | + | |
- | apply the model to media that offer so much | + | |
- | variation among richness characteristics. This | + | |
- | issue may be an underlying factor that has contributed | + | |
- | to the troubling level of empirical support | + | |
- | for the model in CMC research. | + | |
- | Notwithstanding the troubling level of empirical | + | |
- | support, media richness theory continues to | + | |
- | be applied to new media and new interpersonal | + | |
- | settings (without much success). For instance, | + | |
- | Cummings, Lee, and Kraut (2006) used media | + | |
- | richness theory to predict that friends from high | + | |
- | school use telephone and face-to-face contact | + | |
- | more frequently than CMC to maintain their | + | |
- | friendships when they transition to college. Their | + | |
- | results showed, however, that CMC was the most | + | |
- | 450——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | frequently used medium among such friends. | + | |
- | Rather than abandon the media richness framework, | + | |
- | the authors conjectured that the relatively | + | |
- | greater expense of making long-distance phone | + | |
- | calls interfered with their predictions. | + | |
- | In a different vein, Hancock, Thom-Santelli, | + | |
- | and Ritchie (2004) used media richness theory | + | |
- | in a study comparing individuals’ media preferences | + | |
- | for deceiving another person. They argued | + | |
- | that lying can be considered an equivocal message, | + | |
- | and therefore, individuals should select | + | |
- | rich media such as face-to-face or telephone for | + | |
- | deception more often than they would choose | + | |
- | text-based chat or e-mail. Results of a diary | + | |
- | study did not support the hypothesis. Telephone | + | |
- | was the most frequently used medium for | + | |
- | deception, followed by face-to-face and instant | + | |
- | messaging (which did not differ from each | + | |
- | other), and e-mail was the least frequently used | + | |
- | medium for deception. Hancock et al. (2004) | + | |
- | concluded with a features-based explanation of | + | |
- | their findings: Individuals resist the use of | + | |
- | media that are recordable (such as CMC) so | + | |
- | that their lies cannot be caught later or provide | + | |
- | evidence with which to hold them to account. | + | |
- | The recordability characteristic of new media, | + | |
- | they argued, questions the applicability of | + | |
- | media richness’s assumption that communication | + | |
- | channels differ along a single dimension. | + | |
- | Interestingly, | + | |
- | an abundance of deception in date-finding websites | + | |
- | has yet to be reconciled with this study’s | + | |
- | conclusion that liars avoid recordable and | + | |
- | accountable media. | + | |
- | The Social Identity Model of | + | |
- | Deindividuation Effects | + | |
- | The social identity model of deindividuation | + | |
- | effects, or SIDE model, has had an interesting evolution | + | |
- | in the literature. Although its developers | + | |
- | have argued that it is decidedly not about interpersonal | + | |
- | communication, | + | |
- | mechanisms that generate its predictions (e.g., | + | |
- | Postmes & Baym, 2005), it has been applied to | + | |
- | many settings that appear to be interpersonal in | + | |
- | nature. At one point, SIDE was one of the most | + | |
- | dominant theories of CMC. Changes to the theory | + | |
- | in response to empirical challenges and changes in | + | |
- | communication technology—attributes that bear | + | |
- | on the theory’s central assumptions—appear to | + | |
- | have accompanied a marginal decline in its popularity | + | |
- | and scope. In certain contexts, however, it | + | |
- | remains a most parsimonious and robust explanatory | + | |
- | framework for CMC dynamics. | + | |
- | The SIDE model is included here as a cuesfiltered-out | + | |
- | theory because it, like others, considers | + | |
- | the absence of nonverbal cues in CMC as | + | |
- | an impersonalizing deterrent to the expression | + | |
- | and detection of individuality and the development | + | |
- | of interpersonal relations online. The | + | |
- | SIDE model differs from other cues-filtered-out | + | |
- | approaches, however, in that rather than leave | + | |
- | users with no basis for impressions or relations | + | |
- | at all, it predicts that CMC shifts users toward a | + | |
- | different form of social relations based on social | + | |
- | self-categorization. The SIDE model (Lea & | + | |
- | Spears, 1992; Reicher, Spears, & Postmes, 1995) | + | |
- | specifies two factors that drive online behavior. | + | |
- | The first factor is the visual anonymity that | + | |
- | occurs when CMC users send messages to one | + | |
- | another through text (in real-time chat or in | + | |
- | asynchronous conferencing and e-mail). When | + | |
- | communicators cannot see each other, the model | + | |
- | puts forth, communicators do not attune themselves | + | |
- | to one another on the basis of their interindividual | + | |
- | differences. Drawing on principles of | + | |
- | social identification and self-categorization theories | + | |
- | (Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1979), the | + | |
- | model originally argued that visual anonymity | + | |
- | led to deindividuation, | + | |
- | with regard to one’s own (and others’) individuality. | + | |
- | When in such a state of deindividuation, | + | |
- | the second major factor in the theory comes into | + | |
- | play: whether CMC users orient themselves to | + | |
- | some salient social category or group (i.e., a | + | |
- | social identification). If a CMC user experiences | + | |
- | a social identification, | + | |
- | other CMC users on the basis of in-group (or | + | |
- | out-group) dynamics. These classifications then | + | |
- | drive users’ perceptions of similarity and attraction | + | |
- | toward online partners in gross terms, that | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——451 | + | |
- | is, as a unified perception based on of whether | + | |
- | others online seem to belong to the same group | + | |
- | that is salient to the user, rather than as a sum or | + | |
- | average of one’s perceptions of each other partner | + | |
- | in a conversation. | + | |
- | The model also specified, theoretically, | + | |
- | when a deindividuated CMC user orients to an | + | |
- | individualistic identification rather than a social | + | |
- | identification, | + | |
- | and attraction should not occur. The model | + | |
- | views interpersonal (rather than group) attraction | + | |
- | toward other members as an aggregation of | + | |
- | randomly distributed values based on a person’s | + | |
- | attraction to each idiosyncratic individual. That | + | |
- | is, when perceiving others individually, | + | |
- | like one person a lot, dislike another person a lot, | + | |
- | and like others to different degrees, which, on | + | |
- | balance, should average to some neutral level. | + | |
- | Attraction to a group to which one belongs, in | + | |
- | contrast, should be systematically positive. This | + | |
- | difference in the form of attraction marks a key | + | |
- | distinction between a group-based and an interpersonally | + | |
- | based approach to the social dynamics | + | |
- | of CMC (Lea, Spears, & de Groot, 2001; for a | + | |
- | review, see Walther & Carr, 2010). | + | |
- | The most basic research strategy that provided | + | |
- | evidence for SIDE involved experiments manipulating | + | |
- | the two factors, visual anonymity and type | + | |
- | of identification. In a prototypical experiment, | + | |
- | one half of the small groups of CMC users in | + | |
- | an experiment would communicate with one | + | |
- | another using a text-based chat system only, | + | |
- | whereas the other half would use the chat system | + | |
- | and be shown photos that were supposed to represent | + | |
- | the members. The former condition provides | + | |
- | visual anonymity, presumably instigating | + | |
- | deindividuation, | + | |
- | involves visual identification and individuation. | + | |
- | The second factor, group identification, | + | |
- | by prompting participants explicitly to | + | |
- | look for the unique and distinctive characteristics | + | |
- | of the group in which they were involved rather | + | |
- | than to try to detect what made the individuals | + | |
- | with whom they were conversing unique and | + | |
- | different from one another. Such research has | + | |
- | produced predicted interaction effects of visual | + | |
- | anonymity/identifiability by group/ | + | |
- | identity, with conditions involving both visual anonymity | + | |
- | and group identity providing the greatest | + | |
- | scores on attraction (e.g., Lea & Spears, 1992). | + | |
- | The SIDE model’s advocates originally argued | + | |
- | that the nature of group memberships with | + | |
- | which CMC users identified comprised fairly | + | |
- | general social categories (e.g., English vs. Dutch | + | |
- | nationalities, | + | |
- | men vs. women, etc.). Although attempts to | + | |
- | arouse these kinds of identifications have been | + | |
- | employed in SIDE experiments, | + | |
- | produced effects as clearly as when identification | + | |
- | was targeted only with the local group, that is, the | + | |
- | unique and specific small group involved in the | + | |
- | interaction. These results have led to revisions of | + | |
- | the SIDE model, and recent versions focus on | + | |
- | visually anonymous CMC leading to in-group | + | |
- | identification with the group of participants | + | |
- | rather than via larger social categories. | + | |
- | Although the SIDE model is distinctively not | + | |
- | about an interpersonal basis for online relations, | + | |
- | it has been argued to offer an explanatory framework | + | |
- | for what others consider to be interpersonal | + | |
- | phenomena. Lea and Spears (1995) argued | + | |
- | that SIDE can explain the development of | + | |
- | romantic relationships online. Rejecting notions | + | |
- | that intimate attraction is necessarily and exclusively | + | |
- | premised on physical appearance or the | + | |
- | exchange of nonverbal cues (a rejection with | + | |
- | which several other CMC theories in this chapter, | + | |
- | described below, concur), they argued that intimacy | + | |
- | may result from the perceptions of similarity | + | |
- | that arise from a couple’s shared membership | + | |
- | in a variety of social categories (see also Sanders, | + | |
- | 1997). From this perceptive, although partners | + | |
- | who communicate romantically online may | + | |
- | believe that they love each other interpersonally, | + | |
- | this would be an illusion. Their projection of | + | |
- | interpersonal intimacy would be an outgrowth | + | |
- | and projection of the similarity/ | + | |
- | share on the basis of their social (rather than | + | |
- | interpersonal) identifications. Other essays have | + | |
- | made quite strident pronouncements about the | + | |
- | superiority of a groups-based, | + | |
- | interpersonally-based, | + | |
- | 452——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | a variety of online social responses. They have | + | |
- | gone so far as to suggest that interpersonally | + | |
- | based explanations for systematic social effects in | + | |
- | online behavior are empirically conflicting and | + | |
- | conceptually misleading and that they have | + | |
- | impeded theoretical understanding about CMC | + | |
- | effects (Postmes & Baym, 2005). | + | |
- | Despite these pronouncements about its overarching | + | |
- | superiority as an organizing model for | + | |
- | the entire field, the SIDE model seems now to be | + | |
- | taking a more appropriately limited place in | + | |
- | CMC research. This change appears to be due to | + | |
- | uncertainties about the components of the model | + | |
- | itself, empirical “competitions” in which social | + | |
- | and interpersonal components both appear, and | + | |
- | new media forms that alternately extend or | + | |
- | restrict the scope of SIDE’s domain. | + | |
- | The deindividuation aspect of the model itself | + | |
- | has been redefined (see E.-J. Lee, 2004). Although | + | |
- | visual anonymity is still a key predictor of SIDE’s | + | |
- | effects, empirical studies have led to questions | + | |
- | about the deindividuation that anonymity was | + | |
- | said to produce, in terms of its actual potency | + | |
- | and its theoretical necessity in the model. | + | |
- | Research has found that in some cases SIDE-like | + | |
- | responses to an anonymous online crowd are | + | |
- | greater when a CMC user is more, rather than | + | |
- | less, self-aware (Douglas & McGarty, 2001). This | + | |
- | and other studies have led SIDE theorists to | + | |
- | argue that it is not deindividuation but rather | + | |
- | depersonalization—the inability to tell who is | + | |
- | who online—that is (and always has been) the | + | |
- | construct on which SIDE phenomena depend. It | + | |
- | is admirable that the theory is open to such | + | |
- | modification, | + | |
- | departure from the important elements of social | + | |
- | identity theory on which it originally drew and | + | |
- | from assertions that were argued strongly in earlier | + | |
- | articulations of the model. | + | |
- | Responding in part to SIDE advocates’ claims | + | |
- | that their model could explain seemingly interpersonal | + | |
- | effects, researchers made efforts to | + | |
- | demonstrate more carefully whether group or | + | |
- | interpersonal factors were operating in their | + | |
- | CMC studies. Greater attention has been paid to | + | |
- | whether the operationalizations and measurements | + | |
- | involved in research can discern group-based | + | |
- | constructs from interpersonally based constructs | + | |
- | (Wang, 2007). Moreover, experiments have directly | + | |
- | compared SIDE-based versus interpersonallybased | + | |
- | factors in the same study for their effects | + | |
- | on the responses of CMC groups. Rogers and | + | |
- | Lea (2004), for example, studied a number of | + | |
- | virtual groups composed of students in England | + | |
- | and the Netherlands who worked over an | + | |
- | extended period of time via asynchronous conferencing | + | |
- | and real-time chat. Steps were employed | + | |
- | to maximize the salience of each virtual group’s | + | |
- | unique identity (i.e., researchers addressed groups | + | |
- | by their collective name only, rather than individually | + | |
- | by member). Repeated measures indicated | + | |
- | that group attraction did not maintain | + | |
- | evenly or increase over time. To the contrary, | + | |
- | interpersonal affiliation among members reflected | + | |
- | marginal increases over the duration of the | + | |
- | groups’ experience. More recently, Wang, Walther, | + | |
- | and Hancock’s (2009) experiment with visually | + | |
- | anonymous online groups involved a SIDE-based | + | |
- | assignment of four members to two distinct subgroups. | + | |
- | The researchers further prompted one | + | |
- | member of each four-person group to enact | + | |
- | interpersonally friendly (or unfriendly) behaviors | + | |
- | toward the rest of the members. In general, other | + | |
- | members evaluated the deviants in each group on | + | |
- | the basis of the individuals’ interpersonal behaviors | + | |
- | and not on the basis of those individuals’ ingroup | + | |
- | or out-group status with respect to other | + | |
- | subgroup members. These results suggest that | + | |
- | SIDE is less robust than previously suggested | + | |
- | when CMC users confront bona fide behavioral | + | |
- | differences among members while remaining | + | |
- | visually anonymous. A recent essay offers a more | + | |
- | tempered view of when SIDE and other intergroup | + | |
- | dynamics are likely to arise in CMC and | + | |
- | when they give way to interpersonal dynamics | + | |
- | (Walther & Carr, 2010). | + | |
- | Recent revisions to the SIDE model have also | + | |
- | retracted its previous assertions that visually | + | |
- | anonymous CMC users cannot, theoretically, | + | |
- | relate to one another as individuals (Postmes, | + | |
- | Baray, Haslam, Morton, & Swaab, 2006; Postmes, | + | |
- | Spears, Lee, & Novak, 2005). Now individuals are | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——453 | + | |
- | seen, over time and under conditions of visual | + | |
- | anonymity, to form relationships with each other | + | |
- | first and then to identify with and form attachments | + | |
- | to the small, interacting group. Group | + | |
- | identification arises inductively in this new perspective. | + | |
- | These formulations represent a major | + | |
- | departure from SIDE’s previous assumptions. | + | |
- | They also leave unaddressed the mechanisms by | + | |
- | which interacting individuals online become sufficiently | + | |
- | attracted to one another to provide the | + | |
- | interpersonal motivation, attraction, and reward | + | |
- | that may be required to facilitate the durations of | + | |
- | interaction required for individuals to develop an | + | |
- | emergent group identity. | + | |
- | New media forms also raise interesting issues | + | |
- | with regard to SIDE’s scope. Many new technologies | + | |
- | seem quite amenable to SIDE analysis of | + | |
- | their effects on users, while others seem distinctly | + | |
- | out of its reach. Communication systems such as | + | |
- | social network sites, which confront CMC users | + | |
- | with photos of prospective interactants, | + | |
- | the control group conditions in the prototypical | + | |
- | SIDE experiment, that is, the visually identified | + | |
- | conditions for which SIDE predicts no systematic | + | |
- | effects. Alternatively, | + | |
- | systems are very compatible with | + | |
- | SIDE dynamics (see Walther, 2009): CMC systems | + | |
- | display anonymous comments with no | + | |
- | visual identification of other commenters, no | + | |
- | interaction with other commenters, and the relatively | + | |
- | clear implication that participants belong | + | |
- | to the same social group. A recent study drew on | + | |
- | SIDE theory successfully to predict readers’ | + | |
- | responses to the comments apparently left by | + | |
- | other YouTube viewers in reaction to antimarijuana | + | |
- | public service announcements. Researchers | + | |
- | appended experimentally created comment sets | + | |
- | (featuring all-positive or all-negative comments) | + | |
- | to institutionally produced antimarijuana videos | + | |
- | on YouTube pages. The more the participants | + | |
- | identified with the ostensible commenters, the | + | |
- | more the valence of those comments affected viewers’ | + | |
- | attitudes about the public service announcement | + | |
- | videos and about marijuana (Walther, | + | |
- | DeAndrea, Kim, & Anthony, 2010). The propagation | + | |
- | of visually and authorially anonymous | + | |
- | reviews or talk-back sites on the Web merits further | + | |
- | analysis from a SIDE perspective. | + | |
- | Signaling Theory | + | |
- | Donath (1999) was the first to suggest a theoretical | + | |
- | basis underlying the skepticism CMC | + | |
- | users often hold about the legitimacy of others’ | + | |
- | online self-presentation and how CMC facilitates | + | |
- | such deception. Prior to Donath’s position, | + | |
- | references abounded (and are still heard) regarding | + | |
- | the anonymity of the Internet facilitating | + | |
- | deception, although anonymity is a complex | + | |
- | concept with various potential meanings pertaining | + | |
- | to online interaction (see Rains & Scott, | + | |
- | 2007). Anonymity’s lack of utility in the case of | + | |
- | deception is captured in the fact that individuals | + | |
- | may lie about themselves (online or off) using | + | |
- | their real names or pseudonyms. A better explanation | + | |
- | for why people mistrust others’ self-presentations | + | |
- | is needed, and Donath’s (1999) | + | |
- | approach provides a reasonable one to explain | + | |
- | why people trust many forms of information | + | |
- | that are communicated off-line but tend to mistrust | + | |
- | the kind of information individuals provide | + | |
- | about themselves that is most prevalent in | + | |
- | CMC discussions. | + | |
- | According to Donath, the fields of economics | + | |
- | and biology have contributed to the development | + | |
- | of signaling theory, which Donath then applied to | + | |
- | the evaluation of self-presentational claims in | + | |
- | text-based discussion fora. Signaling theory, | + | |
- | Donath reviews (2007), shows “why certain signals | + | |
- | are reliable and others are not. For a signal to | + | |
- | be reliable, the costs of deceptively producing | + | |
- | the signal must outweigh the benefits.” Within | + | |
- | signaling theory there are two types of signals. | + | |
- | Assessment signals are artifacts that have an inherent | + | |
- | and natural relationship with some characteristic | + | |
- | with which they are associated. An animal | + | |
- | that has very large horns, for example, must be | + | |
- | strong; strength is required to support large, | + | |
- | heavy horns. It would be impossible to support | + | |
- | very heavy horns without being strong, that is, to | + | |
- | deceive about one’s strength using such horns; | + | |
- | one could not falsely bear heavy horns if one did | + | |
- | 454——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | not actually possess the strength to do so. | + | |
- | Conventional signals, on the other hand, bear | + | |
- | socially determined symbolic relationships with | + | |
- | their referents. Verbal claims about the possession | + | |
- | of some attribute such as strength may be conventionally | + | |
- | understood in terms of the intention of | + | |
- | the claim, but ultimately, conventional signals | + | |
- | are not as trustworthy as assessment signals. | + | |
- | Conventional signals cost little to manufacture or | + | |
- | construct, and they are therefore less trustworthy. | + | |
- | Text-based online discussions, | + | |
- | proposed, are dominated by conventional signals | + | |
- | since such discussions are composed only of verbal | + | |
- | statements. Because self-descriptive claims | + | |
- | can easily be faked through verbal discourse, she | + | |
- | argues, there is (rightfully) considerable wariness | + | |
- | about whether online discussants can be trusted | + | |
- | entirely to be who they say they are. | + | |
- | Rare in the animal world, conventional | + | |
- | signals are very common in human communication. | + | |
- | The self-descriptions in online | + | |
- | profiles are mostly conventional signals—it | + | |
- | is just as easy to type 24 or 62 as it is to | + | |
- | enter one’s actual age, or to put M rather | + | |
- | than F as one’s gender. (Donath, 2007) | + | |
- | In the context of text-based CMC, Donath’s | + | |
- | (1999, 2007) application of signaling theory | + | |
- | appears to have limited predictive utility and to | + | |
- | raise certain validity questions. The perspective | + | |
- | suggests no limiting factor to the general proposition | + | |
- | that users should be suspicious of verbal | + | |
- | claims and self-descriptions in CMC. Although | + | |
- | the framework helps us understand online skepticism, | + | |
- | it does not provide much in terms of | + | |
- | variations in observers’ assessments of others’ | + | |
- | online veracity, although questions of credibility | + | |
- | in CMC have received ample attention from several | + | |
- | other perspectives (e.g., Metzger, Flanagin, | + | |
- | Eyal, Lemus, & McCann, 2003; Sundar, 2008). | + | |
- | Second, the perspective does not consider whether | + | |
- | there are indeed characteristics that are | + | |
- | transmitted sufficiently reliably through text and | + | |
- | language alone. It is hard to imagine, for instance, | + | |
- | that an individual could convey being articulate | + | |
- | or being humorous online unless the individual | + | |
- | actually possessed those characteristics. In such | + | |
- | cases, verbal behavior should constitute assessment | + | |
- | signals rather than conventional signals. | + | |
- | These and other qualities that language might | + | |
- | reliably convey are not considered in the application | + | |
- | of signaling theory to CMC. | + | |
- | To her credit, Donath (2007) has expanded the | + | |
- | application of signaling to explain the benefits | + | |
- | and potentials of social network sites in helping | + | |
- | observers assess the veracity of others’ online | + | |
- | claims. Like Walther and Parks’ (2002) warranting | + | |
- | theory (described below), she contends that the | + | |
- | ability to contact other individuals in a target’s | + | |
- | social network reduces the likelihood that the | + | |
- | target will engage in deception. From a signaling | + | |
- | theory perspective, | + | |
- | a target’s deception may result in social sanctions | + | |
- | or punishment for the target. These negative | + | |
- | repercussions are seen as costly in the parlance of | + | |
- | economic theory, and knowing that these costs | + | |
- | could accrue provides a disincentive for social | + | |
- | network site users to prevaricate in their profiles. | + | |
- | Thus, social network sites, unlike text-based discussion | + | |
- | systems that are divorced from an individual’s | + | |
- | off-line social network, should reduce | + | |
- | deception and increase the trust that CMC users | + | |
- | place in others. These suggestions are yet to be | + | |
- | tested, although the findings reported by Toma, | + | |
- | Hancock, and Ellison (2008) and Warkentin, | + | |
- | Woodworth, Hancock, and Cormier (2010) are | + | |
- | consistent with this notion. DeAndrea and | + | |
- | Walther (in press) found, however, that individuals | + | |
- | are quite well aware of their friends’ distorted | + | |
- | self-presentations on Facebook profiles. | + | |
- | Experiential and Perceptual | + | |
- | Theories of CMC | + | |
- | Electronic Propinquity Theory | + | |
- | The theory of electronic propinquity (Korzenny, | + | |
- | 1978) received brief mention in the previous | + | |
- | edition of the Handbook’s chapter on CMC | + | |
- | (Walther & Parks, 2002). Those comments noted | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——455 | + | |
- | that relatively little attention had been paid to the | + | |
- | theory since its first appearance in 1978 and its | + | |
- | original follow-up in 1981 (Korzenny & Bauer, | + | |
- | 1981; cf. Monge, 1980). Possibly because the | + | |
- | most advanced technology mentioned in its | + | |
- | introduction was interactive closed-circuit television, | + | |
- | the theory has almost escaped the attention | + | |
- | of the CMC research literature. Its formal structure | + | |
- | and the nature of its constructs, however, | + | |
- | leave it quite amenable to forms of CMC that can | + | |
- | be characterized in terms of their bandwidth and | + | |
- | interactivity. The theory has received a modicum | + | |
- | of renewed attention since 2002, including | + | |
- | empirical research that may contribute to a | + | |
- | renewal of interest in its potential. | + | |
- | The central construct in electronic propinquity | + | |
- | theory is the psychological closeness experienced | + | |
- | by communicators. Whereas physical | + | |
- | closeness or proximity is generally associated | + | |
- | with interpersonal involvement in face-to-face | + | |
- | communication, | + | |
- | communicators connected through electronic | + | |
- | media could also experience a sense of closeness, | + | |
- | or electronic propinquity. | + | |
- | The theory specified the main and interaction | + | |
- | effects on electronic propinquity from a number | + | |
- | of specific factors. The first factor is bandwidth, | + | |
- | or the capacity of a channel to convey multiplecue | + | |
- | systems (like the first factor in media richness, | + | |
- | described above, which followed propinquity | + | |
- | theory historically); | + | |
- | the more the propinquity. Mutual directionality | + | |
- | (like immediacy of feedback) increases propinquity, | + | |
- | as do users’ greater communication skills, | + | |
- | the lower (rather than higher) level of complexity | + | |
- | of a task, fewer communication rules, and fewer | + | |
- | choices among alternative media. These factors | + | |
- | also interact with each other, as specified in a | + | |
- | series of derived theorems: The greater the bandwidth, | + | |
- | the less the effect of task difficulty; the | + | |
- | greater users’ skills, the less the effect of more | + | |
- | communication rules; and the fewer the choices | + | |
- | among media, the less the effect of bandwidth. | + | |
- | Although the theory predated the Internet, | + | |
- | these theoretical properties provide a sufficiently | + | |
- | open-ended definitional framework in which | + | |
- | specific media may be considered even though | + | |
- | they did not exist when the theory was created. | + | |
- | Therefore CMC, with or without auditory and/or | + | |
- | visual cues, can fit neatly into electronic propinquity’s | + | |
- | calculus. Owing in part to a failed test using | + | |
- | traditional media in an experiment by Korzenny | + | |
- | and Bauer (1981), until recently, no such application | + | |
- | to CMC had been examined empirically. | + | |
- | A recent replication of electronic propinquity | + | |
- | theory’s original test has indicated greater validity | + | |
- | for the theory and has successfully applied it to | + | |
- | CMC. Walther and Bazarova (2008) identified a | + | |
- | confound in Korzenny and Bauer’s (1981) original | + | |
- | experiment that they attempted to isolate in a | + | |
- | new empirical study. The confound had to do | + | |
- | with the theory’s proposition that the fewer the | + | |
- | number of media choices one has, the greater the | + | |
- | propinquity one experiences with the remaining | + | |
- | medium, a dynamic that may have been present | + | |
- | in Korzenny and Bauer’s study but was unplanned | + | |
- | and unchecked. Walther and Bazarova investigated | + | |
- | this factor directly. They created experimental | + | |
- | groups that alternatively had two media | + | |
- | among their members (e.g., audioconferencing | + | |
- | among all members but additional videoconferencing | + | |
- | among a subset of members) or had | + | |
- | only one medium connecting everyone. Media | + | |
- | included face-to-face discussion, videoconferencing, | + | |
- | audio conferencing, | + | |
- | Results supported the proposition about the | + | |
- | effect of media choice and bandwidth. Those | + | |
- | who had no choices (i.e., only one medium) | + | |
- | experienced greater propinquity using that | + | |
- | medium than did those who used the same | + | |
- | medium among two media present, when it was | + | |
- | the lower bandwidth medium of the two. For | + | |
- | example, text-based chat produced greater propinquity | + | |
- | and satisfaction ratings when chat was | + | |
- | the only channel a group was able to use, compared | + | |
- | with ratings of chat in groups where a | + | |
- | member used both chat and audio conferencing. | + | |
- | These patterns persisted along all the media | + | |
- | combinations evaluated in the study: “There | + | |
- | were no differences between ratings obtained as a | + | |
- | result of chat, voice, video, or FtF communication | + | |
- | among groups who used only one medium” | + | |
- | 456——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | (Walther & Bazarova, 2008, p. 640), although the | + | |
- | use of two media consistently led to less propinquity | + | |
- | for the lower bandwidth medium. The | + | |
- | experiment offered further support for the theory. | + | |
- | It demonstrated complex interactions among | + | |
- | choice, bandwidth, communicator skill, and task | + | |
- | difficulty, which generally supported electronic | + | |
- | propinquity’s predictions. | + | |
- | In addition to the renewed potential for the | + | |
- | application of propinquity theory to emerging | + | |
- | media, Walther and Bazarova (2008) suggested that | + | |
- | these results may help account for discrepancies in | + | |
- | the existing literature on the social effects of CMC. | + | |
- | Numerous studies that have examined natural | + | |
- | CMC uses in field settings often indicate that it is | + | |
- | less preferred by users for relationships and group | + | |
- | maintenance than other, higher bandwidth media | + | |
- | and face-to-face interactions. In contrast, numerous | + | |
- | experimental studies show relatively high levels | + | |
- | of satisfaction and positive relational communication | + | |
- | using CMC alone under various circumstances. | + | |
- | Electronic propinquity theory’s unique | + | |
- | focus on the effects of media choice helps resolve | + | |
- | this discrepancy. It alerts us to the notion that when | + | |
- | communicators are aware or have a history of alternative | + | |
- | media options for a specific relationship, | + | |
- | CMC should be expected to be the least satisfying. | + | |
- | Where communicators are constrained to one | + | |
- | channel alone, as experiments often require, electronic | + | |
- | propinquity theory explains how users quite | + | |
- | readily apply communication skills to make the | + | |
- | remaining available medium effective and satisfying. | + | |
- | Whether there are many real-world settings | + | |
- | where users are constrained in this way to a single | + | |
- | medium is a different question, but electronic propinquity | + | |
- | theory helps unlock what had been an | + | |
- | unexplained paradox in the research literature with | + | |
- | regard to these conflicting empirical findings. | + | |
- | Social Influence Theory | + | |
- | The social influence approach to media richness | + | |
- | (Fulk, Schmitz, & Steinfield, 1990; Fulk, Steinfield, | + | |
- | Schmitz, & Power, 1987), like channel expansion | + | |
- | theory (described below; Carlson & Zmud, | + | |
- | 1999), focuses on the factors that change users’ | + | |
- | perceptions about the capacities of CMC and | + | |
- | their consequent uses of the medium. It may be | + | |
- | important to note that this approach shifts the | + | |
- | definition of media richness to a perceptually | + | |
- | based phenomenon describing how expressively a | + | |
- | medium may be used. This departs from media | + | |
- | richness theory’s approach, which defines media | + | |
- | richness based on the a priori properties of media. | + | |
- | Social influence theory rejects those aspects of | + | |
- | media richness (and social presence) theory that | + | |
- | argue that certain properties of media exclusively | + | |
- | determine their expressive capabilities and their | + | |
- | utility in interpersonal (and other) domains. | + | |
- | Instead, Fulk et al. (1987) argue, the nature of | + | |
- | media and their potentials are socially constructed, | + | |
- | and the richness and utility of a medium are | + | |
- | affected by interaction with other individuals in | + | |
- | one’s social network. Following from this networkanalytic | + | |
- | perspective, | + | |
- | strong ties have more influence on one’s perception | + | |
- | of CMC richness than do one’s weak ties. In organizational | + | |
- | settings, these distinctions include one’s | + | |
- | close coworkers versus workers in other organizational | + | |
- | units. The authors of the model suggest that | + | |
- | social interaction with network ties may include | + | |
- | overt discussions about communication media and | + | |
- | their uses. It may also include communications | + | |
- | with one’s ties via a given CMC medium, and the | + | |
- | qualities of those exchanges also shape perceptions | + | |
- | about that medium’s potential and normative uses. | + | |
- | Social influence has received robust support in | + | |
- | previous empirical studies. Research testing the | + | |
- | model shows stronger correspondence between | + | |
- | individuals’ perceptions of e-mail’s richness and | + | |
- | those of their strongly tied coworkers than those of | + | |
- | weakly tied coworkers. Research has established the | + | |
- | cognitive and perceptual basis of these effects: | + | |
- | One’s attitudes about e-mail’s utility correspond | + | |
- | primarily with one’s perceptions about one’s | + | |
- | coworkers’ perceptions and secondarily with | + | |
- | those coworkers’ actual attitudes. These differences | + | |
- | between direct perceptions and metaperceptions | + | |
- | help demonstrate that the social influence | + | |
- | process is not a magic bullet but a communication | + | |
- | process that leads to individuals’ reconstructions of | + | |
- | others’ messages (Fulk, Schmitz, & Ryu, 1995). | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——457 | + | |
- | The social influence model has not received | + | |
- | very much research attention recently. Its developers | + | |
- | have shifted their focus after having set a | + | |
- | precedent for complex research strategies exploring | + | |
- | social influence that would not be simple to | + | |
- | replicate. Nevertheless, | + | |
- | about the potential and preferred uses | + | |
- | of newer communication technologies may be a | + | |
- | topic of renewed attention. Social network websites, | + | |
- | for example, make most visible one’s strong | + | |
- | and weak ties. They make evident what the normative | + | |
- | expressive and usage practices of one’s | + | |
- | friends are. These phenomena correspond quite | + | |
- | clearly to the theoretical factors implicated in | + | |
- | social influence theory, and future research on | + | |
- | how different groups of users evolve different | + | |
- | standards and norms for messaging via these | + | |
- | systems can benefit from a social influence | + | |
- | approach. | + | |
- | Channel Expansion Theory | + | |
- | Channel expansion theory (Carlson & Zmud, | + | |
- | 1994, 1999) also takes issue with the fixed properties | + | |
- | ascribed to various media in media richness | + | |
- | theory. Whereas social influence theory | + | |
- | focuses on how dynamic interaction in a social | + | |
- | network of communicators predicts and explains | + | |
- | how users come to perceive CMC’s richness, the | + | |
- | primary focus of channel expansion theory is on | + | |
- | internal, experiential factors. The theory’s original, | + | |
- | central argument is that as individuals gain | + | |
- | more experience with a particular communication | + | |
- | medium, the medium becomes richer for | + | |
- | them (Carlson & Zmud, 1994). That is, theoretically, | + | |
- | it becomes more capable for the conduct of | + | |
- | equivocal and interpersonally oriented communication | + | |
- | tasks. With experience, the authors | + | |
- | argued, users learn how to encode and decode | + | |
- | affective messages using a particular channel. | + | |
- | The channel expansion theory was expanded | + | |
- | to include increasing familiarity with an interaction | + | |
- | partner as a second major factor affecting | + | |
- | the richness or expressiveness of a medium that | + | |
- | is used to communicate with that partner, with | + | |
- | experience related to the conversational topic | + | |
- | and organizational experience as additional, | + | |
- | potential factors (Carlson & Zmud, 1999). Social | + | |
- | influence by other communicators was posited to | + | |
- | affect richness perceptions as well. The model | + | |
- | was tested by its developers in a cross-sectional | + | |
- | survey and in a longitudinal panel study, in both | + | |
- | cases focusing only on e-mail. The first study | + | |
- | produced a moderate correlation between experience | + | |
- | using e-mail and e-mail richness perceptions | + | |
- | (see also Foulger, 1990) as well as a | + | |
- | correlation between familiarity with the conversational | + | |
- | partner and e-mail richness (Carlson & | + | |
- | Zmud, 1999). The panel study likewise found an | + | |
- | increase in perceived e-mail richness commensurate | + | |
- | with e-mail experience over time. Social | + | |
- | influence was not significant. | + | |
- | The theory lay dormant until D’Urso and | + | |
- | Rains (2008) replicated and expanded investigation | + | |
- | of the model. These researchers included | + | |
- | traditional media (face-to-face and telephone) | + | |
- | as well as text-based chat, along with e-mail, in a | + | |
- | survey of organizational users. Results were | + | |
- | fairly consistent with Carlson and Zmud’s (1999) | + | |
- | findings with respect to new media. For chat and | + | |
- | e-mail, experience with the media, and no other | + | |
- | variables, affected media richness ratings. For | + | |
- | traditional media, only social influence and | + | |
- | experience with one’s conversation partner, and | + | |
- | not experience with the medium, affected richness | + | |
- | perceptions. | + | |
- | Channel expansion theory offers an antidote | + | |
- | to the inconsistencies of media richness research | + | |
- | in a sense. The learning-based explanation that | + | |
- | channel expansion theory offers is reasonable | + | |
- | and intuitive. At the same time, other approaches | + | |
- | deal with several of the theory’s elements in more | + | |
- | sophisticated (as well as in more complicated) | + | |
- | ways. For instance, CMC users’ ability to encode | + | |
- | and decode personal and social cues is central to | + | |
- | the social information processing theory of CMC | + | |
- | (see below); the influence of others’ richness perceptions | + | |
- | is demonstrated more particularly in | + | |
- | social influence theory; and electronic propinquity | + | |
- | theory offers a different account for why | + | |
- | the same medium may offer more psychological | + | |
- | closeness and satisfaction in some circumstances | + | |
- | 458——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | and less in others by specifying a constellation of | + | |
- | situational, | + | |
- | Theories of Interpersonal | + | |
- | Adaptation and Exploitation | + | |
- | of Media | + | |
- | Social Information Processing | + | |
- | The social information processing (SIP) theory | + | |
- | of CMC (Walther, 1992) has become a widely | + | |
- | used framework for explaining and predicting | + | |
- | differences between text-based CMC and off-line | + | |
- | communication, | + | |
- | efforts to expand its scope to include newer, multimedia | + | |
- | forms of online communication. The | + | |
- | theory seeks to explain how, with time, CMC | + | |
- | users are able to accrue impressions of and relations | + | |
- | with others online, and these relations | + | |
- | achieve the level of development that is expected | + | |
- | through off-line communication. | + | |
- | The theory articulates several assumptions | + | |
- | and propositions concerning what propels these | + | |
- | effects. It explicitly recognizes that CMC is devoid | + | |
- | of the nonverbal communication cues that | + | |
- | accompany face-to-face communication. It differs, | + | |
- | however, from theories of CMC that argue | + | |
- | that the lack of nonverbal cues impedes impressions | + | |
- | and relations or reorients users’ attention to | + | |
- | impersonal states or to group-based forms of | + | |
- | relating. The SIP theory articulates the assumption | + | |
- | that communicators are motivated to | + | |
- | develop interpersonal impressions and affinity | + | |
- | regardless of medium. It further proposes that | + | |
- | when nonverbal cues are unavailable, | + | |
- | adapt their interpersonal (as well as instrumental) | + | |
- | communication to whatever cues remain | + | |
- | available through the channel that they are using. | + | |
- | Thus, in text-based CMC, the theory expects | + | |
- | individuals to adapt the encoding and decoding | + | |
- | of social information (i.e., socioemotional or | + | |
- | relational messages) into language and the timing | + | |
- | of messages. Although many readers of the | + | |
- | theory have interpreted this argument to refer to | + | |
- | emoticons (typed-out smiles, frowns, and other | + | |
- | faces; e.g., Derks, Bos, & von Grumbkow, 2007), | + | |
- | the theory implicates language content and style | + | |
- | characteristics as more primary conduits of | + | |
- | interpersonal information. | + | |
- | A second major contention of SIP is that CMC | + | |
- | operates at a rate different from face-to-face communication | + | |
- | in terms of users’ ability to achieve | + | |
- | levels of impression and relational definition | + | |
- | equivalent to face-to-face interaction. Because | + | |
- | verbal communication with no nonverbal cues | + | |
- | conveys a fraction of the information of multimodal | + | |
- | communication, | + | |
- | should require a longer time to take place. | + | |
- | CMC users need time to compensate for the | + | |
- | slower rate in order to accumulate sufficient information | + | |
- | with which to construct cognitive models | + | |
- | of partners and to emit and receive messages with | + | |
- | which to negotiate relational status and definition. | + | |
- | With respect to the first major theoretical | + | |
- | contention, recent research has demonstrated | + | |
- | that communicators adapt social meanings into | + | |
- | CMC language that they would otherwise express | + | |
- | nonverbally. Walther, Loh, and Granka (2005) | + | |
- | had dyads discuss a controversial issue: face-toface | + | |
- | or via real-time computer chat. In each dyad, | + | |
- | prior to their dyadic discussion, the researchers | + | |
- | privately prompted one of the members to | + | |
- | increase or decrease his or her friendliness toward | + | |
- | the other individual by whatever means that person | + | |
- | chose to do so. The naive partner rated the ad | + | |
- | hoc confederate after the interaction was over, | + | |
- | providing ratings of the confederate’s immediacy | + | |
- | and affection dimensions of relational communication. | + | |
- | Coders then analyzed recordings of the | + | |
- | face-to-face confederates for the kinesic, vocalic, | + | |
- | and verbal behaviors that corresponded to variations | + | |
- | in immediacy and affection ratings. A number | + | |
- | of vocalic cues provided the greatest influence | + | |
- | on relational communication, | + | |
- | group of specific kinesic behaviors; the confederates’ | + | |
- | verbal behaviors had no significant influence | + | |
- | on perceptions of their immediacy and | + | |
- | affection. In contrast, in the CMC transcripts, | + | |
- | several specific verbal behaviors bore significant | + | |
- | association with differences in relational communication. | + | |
- | No less variance was accounted for | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——459 | + | |
- | by the verbal cues in CMC than the nonverbal | + | |
- | cues accounted for in face-to-face interaction. | + | |
- | This research provides confirmation about the | + | |
- | hypothetical process mechanisms of the SIP theory, | + | |
- | beyond confirmation of a relationship | + | |
- | between distal antecedents and consequents. | + | |
- | The theory is somewhat equivocal about the | + | |
- | second major element, the temporal dimension. | + | |
- | The primary theoretical explanation for the | + | |
- | additional time CMC requires for impression | + | |
- | development and relational management is that | + | |
- | electronic streams of verbal communication | + | |
- | without nonverbal accompaniments contain less | + | |
- | information than multimodal face-to-face | + | |
- | exchanges. Even in so-called real-time CMC, chat | + | |
- | communication cues are not fully duplexed in | + | |
- | terms of seeing a partner’s reactions at the same | + | |
- | time that they generate an utterance. From this | + | |
- | perspective, | + | |
- | exchange of real-time CMC should provide a | + | |
- | relatively smaller accumulation of interpersonal | + | |
- | information than would face-to-face communication | + | |
- | over the same time interval. However, | + | |
- | discussions of the theory also reflect that more | + | |
- | time may be needed for relational effects to | + | |
- | accrue in CMC because CMC is generally used | + | |
- | in a more sporadic manner than face-to-face | + | |
- | communication. Online communication often | + | |
- | involves asynchronous media, that is, systems | + | |
- | that allow one communicator to create a message | + | |
- | at one time and recipients to obtain it later at a | + | |
- | point in time they choose. The SIP perspective | + | |
- | can account for both approaches to temporal | + | |
- | distortion theoretically, | + | |
- | have been used in empirical research: Recent | + | |
- | studies have added support for SIP by using | + | |
- | strictly asynchronous communication (Peter, | + | |
- | Valkenburg, & Schouten, 2005; Ramirez, Zhang, | + | |
- | McGrew, & Lin, 2007) or real-time chat episodes | + | |
- | repeated over several consecutive days (Hian, | + | |
- | Chuan, Trevor, & Detenber, 2004; Wilson, Straus, | + | |
- | & McEvily, 2006). However, greater theoretical | + | |
- | precision would enhance understanding of the | + | |
- | theory’s scope and application. | + | |
- | The SIP theory has been expanded by researchers | + | |
- | other than its original developer to incorporate | + | |
- | media other than text-based CMC, although | + | |
- | these formulations are tentative. Tanis and | + | |
- | Postmes (2003) established that the presentation | + | |
- | of partners’ photos or the exchange of preinteraction | + | |
- | biographies of CMC users works | + | |
- | equivalently well in instilling interpersonal expectations | + | |
- | in CMC settings. Previously, SIP research | + | |
- | had been more oriented to verbal exchanges, such | + | |
- | as CMC users’ biographical disclosures, | + | |
- | statements, and style. Therefore, it is noteworthy | + | |
- | that photographic information appears to | + | |
- | function similarly as biographical text. | + | |
- | Westerman, Van Der Heide, Klein, and Walther | + | |
- | (2008) offered a more sophisticated approach to | + | |
- | the potential effects of photos and other multimedia | + | |
- | information online within SIP framework. | + | |
- | These researchers reconsidered SIP’s root proposition | + | |
- | that lesser bandwidth media transmit less | + | |
- | information per exchange than do greater bandwidth | + | |
- | media, affecting the rate of impression | + | |
- | formation and relational development. They | + | |
- | examined various forms and channels of personal | + | |
- | information from this perspective. As a result, | + | |
- | they argued that some mediated forms of information | + | |
- | are faster (i.e., they transmit more social | + | |
- | information in a respective time interval, e.g., | + | |
- | photos or videos) and others are slower. This | + | |
- | simple assertion is consistent with SIP; yet an | + | |
- | expanded view of faster and slower media allows | + | |
- | for greater scope and a wider range of predictions | + | |
- | about new, multimodal media than the theory | + | |
- | was originally conceived to explain. | + | |
- | Despite these potential adjustments with | + | |
- | which to integrate visual information in the SIP | + | |
- | framework, recent studies have demonstrated | + | |
- | considerably limited additional effects on attraction | + | |
- | and uncertainty reduction when additional | + | |
- | modalities accompany text-based CMC. In one | + | |
- | study, Antheunis, Valkenburg, and Peter (2007) | + | |
- | compared face-to-face dyadic communication | + | |
- | with an instant messaging system, and a hybrid | + | |
- | instant messenger that displayed visual information | + | |
- | about a dyadic partner alongside textual CMC. | + | |
- | After a get-to-know-you session, no significant | + | |
- | differences in interpersonal attraction arose | + | |
- | between these conditions. Visual cues actually | + | |
- | 460——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | increased the frequency of disclosures and personal | + | |
- | questions, in contrast to previous findings | + | |
- | that disclosure and personal questions were proportionately | + | |
- | more frequent in CMC than in faceto-face | + | |
- | interactions (Tidwell & Walther, 2002). | + | |
- | Finally, a recent examination of uncertainty | + | |
- | reduction processes via social network sites | + | |
- | focused explicitly on the potential obsolescence | + | |
- | of SIP theory in light of new media characteristics | + | |
- | providing information aside from the interactive | + | |
- | exchanges on which SIP traditionally | + | |
- | focuses. Another study by Antheunis, Valkenburg, | + | |
- | and Peter (2010) argued that social network sites | + | |
- | provide an abundance of asynchronous and | + | |
- | unintrusive biographical, | + | |
- | and sociometric information about other | + | |
- | people. Therefore, they predicted that these | + | |
- | alternative forms of social information should | + | |
- | be expected to be the primary sources of uncertainty | + | |
- | reduction about others, without need of | + | |
- | recourse to interactive communication via text. | + | |
- | Results of the study showed that despite the | + | |
- | appeal of these newer forms of information display, | + | |
- | interactive communication contributed the | + | |
- | most to uncertainty reduction about another | + | |
- | individual. | + | |
- | Hyperpersonal CMC | + | |
- | The hyperpersonal model of CMC (Walther, 1996) | + | |
- | proposes a set of concurrent theoretically based | + | |
- | processes to explain how CMC may facilitate | + | |
- | impressions and relationships online that exceed | + | |
- | the desirability and intimacy that occur in parallel | + | |
- | off-line interactions. The model follows four common | + | |
- | components of the communication process | + | |
- | to address how CMC may affect cognitive and | + | |
- | communication processes relating to message | + | |
- | construction and reception: (1) effects due to | + | |
- | receiver processes, (2) effects among message senders, | + | |
- | (3) attributes of the channel, and (4) feedback | + | |
- | effects. The model has received a great deal of | + | |
- | attention in the literature. At the same time, extensions | + | |
- | and revisions to the model have been proposed | + | |
- | on the basis of both conceptual and empirical contributions. | + | |
- | Certain aspects of the model remain | + | |
- | underresearched—such as the holistic integrity of | + | |
- | its subcomponents as well as the reciprocal effects | + | |
- | of feedback—although some progress has been | + | |
- | made with respect to these issues. | + | |
- | Receivers. When receiving messages from others | + | |
- | in CMC, an individual may tend to exaggerate | + | |
- | perceptions of the message sender. In the absence | + | |
- | of the physical and other cues that face-to-face | + | |
- | encounters provide, rather than fail to form an | + | |
- | impression, receivers fill in the blanks with regard | + | |
- | to missing information. This often takes the form | + | |
- | of idealization if the initial clues about another | + | |
- | person are favorable. The original articulation of | + | |
- | the model drew explicitly on SIDE theory (Lea & | + | |
- | Spears, 1992) in formulating receiver dynamics. | + | |
- | The SIDE model also describes how CMC users | + | |
- | make overattributions of similarity when communicating | + | |
- | under conditions of visual anonymity | + | |
- | if contextual cues suggest that a conversational | + | |
- | partner shares some salient social identity with | + | |
- | the receiver. It further proposes that communicators | + | |
- | experience heightened attraction in these | + | |
- | circumstances. The SIDE model argues that the | + | |
- | specific form of attraction is focused on one’s | + | |
- | attachment to the group identity rather than to | + | |
- | the individual person. | + | |
- | Recent rearticulations of the hyperpersonal | + | |
- | model, however, have attempted to broaden the | + | |
- | concepts related to receiver dynamics (see Walther, | + | |
- | 2006). The hyperpersonal approach now suggests | + | |
- | that an initial impression may be activated not | + | |
- | only by group identifications but through individual | + | |
- | stereotypes, | + | |
- | or due to the vague resemblance of an | + | |
- | online partner to a previously known individual | + | |
- | (see Jacobson, 1999). Analysis of online impressions | + | |
- | using social relations analysis (Kenny, 1994), | + | |
- | which assesses how uniform or differentiated | + | |
- | one’s impressions of other group members are, | + | |
- | offers a promising approach to the question of | + | |
- | group- or interpersonally based impressions in | + | |
- | CMC (see Markey & Wells, 2002). | + | |
- | Senders. Text-based CMC facilitates selective selfpresentation. | + | |
- | Online, one may transmit only cues | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——461 | + | |
- | that an individual desires others to have. It need | + | |
- | not be apparent to others what one’s physical | + | |
- | characteristics are (unless one discloses them | + | |
- | verbally), nor do individuals generally transmit | + | |
- | unconscious undesirable interaction behaviors | + | |
- | such as interruptions, | + | |
- | or nonverbal disfluencies of the kind that detract | + | |
- | from desired impressions face-to-face. Instead, | + | |
- | CMC senders may construct messages that portray | + | |
- | themselves in preferential ways, emphasizing | + | |
- | desirable characteristics and communicating in a | + | |
- | manner that invites preferential reactions. Selfdisclosure | + | |
- | quite naturally plays a role in this | + | |
- | process, by which individuals not only disclose | + | |
- | what content they wish to be known but also, | + | |
- | through disclosure, breed intimacy. Research has | + | |
- | found that disclosure and personal questions | + | |
- | constitute greater proportions of utterances in | + | |
- | online discussions among strangers than they do | + | |
- | in comparable face-to-face discussion (Joinson, | + | |
- | 2001; Tidwell & Walther, 2002). This may be a | + | |
- | simple adaptation to the lack of nonverbal | + | |
- | expressive behavior, which would normally provide | + | |
- | uncertainty-reducing information. Yet CMC | + | |
- | users’ disclosures are more intimate than those of | + | |
- | face-to-face counterparts, | + | |
- | aspect to this difference as well. | + | |
- | Apart from explicit disclosures, | + | |
- | senders selectively self-present is conveyed | + | |
- | through the content of the exchanges in terms of | + | |
- | how communicators express their evaluations of | + | |
- | various subjects, their agreement with partners, | + | |
- | word choice, and any number of ordinary expressions | + | |
- | of affinity. A recent study (Walther, Van Der | + | |
- | Heide, Tong, Carr, & Atkin, 2010) asked one | + | |
- | member of an online dyad, who was about to | + | |
- | discuss the topic of hamburgers with an online | + | |
- | partner, to behave online in a way that prompted | + | |
- | the other person to like or to dislike the individual. | + | |
- | The significant differences in liking for the | + | |
- | actor following the CMC conversation were associated | + | |
- | with the actor’s level of agreements versus | + | |
- | disagreements and concurrence versus divergence | + | |
- | in statements about the other partner’s | + | |
- | favorite hamburger. Online (and perhaps elsewhere), | + | |
- | we manipulate our desirability to others | + | |
- | not so much by overt statements of interpersonal | + | |
- | affect but through the way we complement or | + | |
- | contest others’ views of things in the world. In other | + | |
- | research, systematic differences among individuals’ | + | |
- | construction of stories about themselves | + | |
- | online led to changes in their self-perceptions. | + | |
- | Gonzales and Hancock (2008) asked participants | + | |
- | to write about their experiences in a manner that | + | |
- | would lead others to perceive them as either | + | |
- | extraverted or introverted. Half of the participants | + | |
- | in the experiment posted these responses | + | |
- | in a blog, presumably accessible to other CMC | + | |
- | users, whereas the other half of the participants | + | |
- | recorded their answers in a private document for | + | |
- | ostensible analysis at a later time, anonymously. | + | |
- | The blog writers generated significantly different | + | |
- | self-perceived extraversion/ | + | |
- | following the experience, in accordance with the | + | |
- | characteristic they had been assigned. Gonzales | + | |
- | and Hancock concluded that selective selfpresentation | + | |
- | online provides a potent influence | + | |
- | not only on others but also on the transformation | + | |
- | of an individual’s self, a phenomenon they | + | |
- | called “identity shift.” | + | |
- | Channel. The third dimension of the hyperpersonal | + | |
- | model involves characteristics of the channel | + | |
- | and how CMC as a medium contributes to | + | |
- | the deliberate construction of favorable online | + | |
- | messages. One part of the channel factor focuses | + | |
- | on the mechanics of the CMC interface, suggesting | + | |
- | that users exploit the ability to take time to | + | |
- | contemplate and construct messages mindfully. | + | |
- | In many CMC applications (especially asynchronous | + | |
- | systems), users may take some time to | + | |
- | create optimally desirable messages without | + | |
- | interfering with conversational flow, very much | + | |
- | unlike the effects of face-to-face response latencies. | + | |
- | The hyperpersonal model further suggests | + | |
- | that CMC users capitalize on the ability to edit, | + | |
- | delete, and rewrite messages to make them reflect | + | |
- | intended effects before sending them. The introduction | + | |
- | of the model further suggested that | + | |
- | CMC users may redirect cognitive resources into | + | |
- | enhancing one’s messages, without the need to | + | |
- | pay attention to the physical behaviors of one’s | + | |
- | 462——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | conversational partner or oneself, or to the ambient | + | |
- | elements where one is physically located | + | |
- | when communicating (in contrast to these | + | |
- | demands on attention in face-to-face conversations). | + | |
- | CMC users can focus their attention on | + | |
- | message construction to a greater extent than | + | |
- | they would in face-to-face conversations. | + | |
- | Recent research supported a number of these | + | |
- | suggestions (Walther, 2007). A study led college | + | |
- | student participants to believe that they were | + | |
- | joining an asynchronous discussion with a prestigious | + | |
- | professor, who was described in much | + | |
- | detail; with a relatively undesirable high school | + | |
- | student in another state, also described in detail; | + | |
- | or with another college student, about whom no | + | |
- | details were provided except for the student’s | + | |
- | name. Participants’ message composition was | + | |
- | recorded in real time and later coded and rated, | + | |
- | and a different group of participants provided | + | |
- | ratings of how desirable each type of target | + | |
- | would be as an interaction partner. Results of the | + | |
- | study revealed that the more desirable the partner | + | |
- | was, the more editing (deletions, backspaces, | + | |
- | and insertions) the participants exercised in | + | |
- | composing their messages to that partner. The | + | |
- | degree of editing corresponded to the degree of | + | |
- | relational affection ascribed to the messages by | + | |
- | raters. Participants self-reported their level of | + | |
- | mindfulness during message production, which | + | |
- | had been expected to differ based on the attractiveness | + | |
- | of the ostensible message target. It did | + | |
- | not, and neither did the time they spent composing | + | |
- | their messages differ as a result of the different | + | |
- | types of targets. However, those who were | + | |
- | more mindful spent more of their time editing | + | |
- | the messages they had written, whereas those | + | |
- | who were lower in mindfulness spent more time | + | |
- | choosing what to write. These results add a level | + | |
- | of verification to the model’s contention that | + | |
- | CMC users exploit the unique mechanical features | + | |
- | of the medium to enhance relational qualities | + | |
- | of their messages. | + | |
- | Another facet of the channel component of | + | |
- | the hyperpersonal model has been more difficult | + | |
- | to interpret, and research results have challenged the | + | |
- | model’s original assertions about asynchronous | + | |
- | versus synchronous CMC. The model originally | + | |
- | posited that asynchronous CMC allowed users to | + | |
- | avoid the problems of entrainment associated | + | |
- | with face-to-face meetings. Entrainment, | + | |
- | small group communication literature (Kelly & | + | |
- | McGrath, 1985), refers to the ability to synchronize | + | |
- | attention and interaction with collaborators. | + | |
- | It is proposed to be difficult to accomplish when | + | |
- | participants have competing demands on their | + | |
- | time and attention. Time pressures work against | + | |
- | entrainment in face-to-face meetings, leading | + | |
- | communicators to neglect group maintenance | + | |
- | behaviors in favor of impersonal, task-related | + | |
- | discussions. Since CMC users working asynchronously | + | |
- | can interact with others at times that are | + | |
- | convenient and available to them, the model suggested | + | |
- | that CMC should not suffer from a lack of | + | |
- | maintenance behavior. CMC users would be | + | |
- | more likely to engage in off-task, interpersonal | + | |
- | discussions than in face-to-face meetings since, | + | |
- | without meeting in real time, there is no time | + | |
- | pressure constraining such exchanges. | + | |
- | This aspect of the model was challenged very | + | |
- | quickly. Roberts, Smith, and Pollock’s (1996) ethnographic | + | |
- | observations and interviews reflected | + | |
- | that individuals who enter real-time, multiplayer | + | |
- | online games and chat systems (as opposed to | + | |
- | asynchronous discussions) very rapidly exhibit | + | |
- | sociable exchanges. Likewise, Peña and Hancock | + | |
- | (2006) demonstrated that the conversations in | + | |
- | a real-time multiparty sword-fighting game | + | |
- | reflected more socio-emotional utterances than | + | |
- | game-related statements even during online | + | |
- | duels. The sociability benefits originally ascribed | + | |
- | to asynchronous CMC in the introduction of the | + | |
- | model are fairly clearly an aspect of many synchronous | + | |
- | systems as well, at least those in which | + | |
- | socializing is a goal that users bring to the system. | + | |
- | A recent review of communication that takes | + | |
- | place in certain online, real-time, role-playing | + | |
- | games describes a great proportion and a wide | + | |
- | variety of interpersonal communication behaviors | + | |
- | among associates and fellow “clan” members | + | |
- | (Klimmt & Hartmann, 2008). Although these | + | |
- | findings suggest greater scope for the development | + | |
- | of hyperpersonal dynamics, the entrainment | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——463 | + | |
- | explanation has not been tested since the model | + | |
- | was developed, and the conceptual and empirical | + | |
- | status of this aspect of the channel component of | + | |
- | the model is unclear. | + | |
- | Feedback. The hyperpersonal model of CMC | + | |
- | suggested that the enhancements provided by | + | |
- | idealization, | + | |
- | channel effects reciprocally influenced matters, | + | |
- | forming a feedback system by which the CMC | + | |
- | intensified and magnified the dynamics that each | + | |
- | component of the model contributes. That is, | + | |
- | when a receiver gets a selectively self-presented | + | |
- | message and idealizes its source, that individual | + | |
- | may respond in a way that reciprocates and reinforces | + | |
- | the partially modified personae, reproducing, | + | |
- | enhancing, and potentially exaggerating | + | |
- | them. The manner in which the dynamics of | + | |
- | these reciprocated expectations may modify participants’ | + | |
- | character was suggested to reflect the | + | |
- | process of behavioral confirmation. | + | |
- | Behavioral confirmation (Snyder, Tanke, & | + | |
- | Berscheid, 1977) describes how one interaction | + | |
- | partner’s impression about a target partner leads | + | |
- | the first partner to behave and how that behavior | + | |
- | alters the responses of the target partner in | + | |
- | return. The original behavioral confirmation | + | |
- | study involved male participants who were | + | |
- | shown photos priming them to believe that their | + | |
- | upcoming female telephone interaction partners | + | |
- | were physically attractive or unattractive (even | + | |
- | though the actual partners were not really those | + | |
- | depicted in the photos but were randomly | + | |
- | selected female participants). Not only did this | + | |
- | expectation affect the males’ involvement, | + | |
- | affected the females’ personality-related responses | + | |
- | as well, as revealed in outside raters’ evaluations | + | |
- | of the females’ personalities based on audio | + | |
- | recordings of their conversations. The hyperpersonal | + | |
- | model appropriated this construct, suggesting | + | |
- | that one’s idealized impressions of an | + | |
- | online partner may lead a CMC user to reciprocate | + | |
- | based on that impression, transmitting messages | + | |
- | that, in turn, may shape the partner’s | + | |
- | responses, shifting the target’s personality in | + | |
- | the direction of the communicators’ mutually | + | |
- | constructed and enacted impression. In this way, | + | |
- | feedback may intensify the hyperpersonal effects | + | |
- | of idealization, | + | |
- | channel exploitation. | + | |
- | The feedback component of the hyperpersonal | + | |
- | model has received little formal research attention | + | |
- | until recently. One study (Walther, Liang, et al., | + | |
- | 2011) examined whether feedback to a CMC | + | |
- | communicator enhanced the identity shift phenomenon | + | |
- | described by Gonzales and Hancock | + | |
- | (2008; see above). As Gonzales and Hancock had | + | |
- | done, this experiment called on half the participants | + | |
- | to answer several questions as if they were | + | |
- | extraverted and the other half, as if introverted. | + | |
- | Participants posted their responses to a blog or | + | |
- | pasted them into a Web-based form. Departing | + | |
- | from Gonzales and Hancock, in each condition, | + | |
- | participants either did or did not receive feedback | + | |
- | confirming their (extraverted or introverted) personality | + | |
- | performances. When participants subsequently | + | |
- | completed self-report measures of their | + | |
- | extraversion/ | + | |
- | feedback expressed more extreme scores in the | + | |
- | direction of the initial prompting. This study | + | |
- | also helps establish a link between two components | + | |
- | of the hyperpersonal model—selective selfpresentation | + | |
- | and feedback—showing that the | + | |
- | activation of these components jointly produces | + | |
- | stronger effects than in isolation. | + | |
- | Several CMC studies have generated findings | + | |
- | consistent with a behavioral disconfirmation | + | |
- | effect (see Ickes, Patterson, Rajecki, & Tanford, | + | |
- | 1982; Burgoon & Le Poire, 1993). Behavioral | + | |
- | disconfirmation takes place when one individual | + | |
- | anticipates an unpleasant interaction with a target | + | |
- | person and, to avert the unpleasantness, | + | |
- | in order to improve the person’s | + | |
- | demeanor. One was the Walther (2007) study | + | |
- | described above, in which participants anticipated | + | |
- | online communication with a high school– | + | |
- | age loner, a college student, or a professor. | + | |
- | Despite pretest indications that the high schoolers | + | |
- | were the least desired communication partners, | + | |
- | male participants who believed that they | + | |
- | were communicating with a male high schooler | + | |
- | expressed greater editing and affection than with | + | |
- | 464——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | a male peer or professor. No voice-based or faceto-face | + | |
- | comparisons were done in that study. | + | |
- | As discussed earlier, two recent studies | + | |
- | explored the effects of preinteraction expectancies | + | |
- | on subsequent impressions following CMC | + | |
- | or voice-based communication (Epley & Kruger, | + | |
- | 2005; Walther, DeAndrea, & Tong, 2010). | + | |
- | Manipulations in both studies instilled preinteraction | + | |
- | expectancies among interviewers regarding | + | |
- | their partners’ high or low intelligence. | + | |
- | Manipulations in both studies involved the bogus | + | |
- | presentation of one of two sets of a partner’s | + | |
- | ostensible photograph, grade point average, | + | |
- | major, and self-reported greatest high school | + | |
- | achievement. In Epley and Kruger’s (2005) | + | |
- | research, half the interviewers used a phonelike | + | |
- | system to speak to a real interviewee, | + | |
- | interviewers used CMC to obtain responses that | + | |
- | were transcribed from a person other than the | + | |
- | actual interviewee. The results superficially | + | |
- | appear to reflect greater behavioral confirmation | + | |
- | in CMC than on the phone: Interviewers’ posttest | + | |
- | assessments of interviewees’ intelligence were | + | |
- | different in CMC but not in voice conditions. | + | |
- | The methodology in that study, however, was | + | |
- | such that the CMC interviewer could not actually | + | |
- | have influenced his or her partner’s behavior. | + | |
- | Walther, DeAndrea, and Tong’s (2010) replication | + | |
- | involved actual interviewees in both voice | + | |
- | and CMC conditions. The post-CMC ratings | + | |
- | indicated relatively greater intelligence assessments | + | |
- | than did those following the voice-based | + | |
- | interviews, reflecting behavioral disconfirmation | + | |
- | in CMC relative to voice. Further research is | + | |
- | exploring the reasons for these voice versus CMC | + | |
- | differences in confirmation and disconfirmation. | + | |
- | Extensions. In addition to research that has added, | + | |
- | supported, or challenged the hyperpersonal model’s | + | |
- | claims, a variety of extensions to the model | + | |
- | have been made, and it has been applied to new | + | |
- | social technologies as well. | + | |
- | Research exploring the dynamics of online | + | |
- | date-finding systems has applied aspects of the | + | |
- | hyperpersonal model in several ways. Many of | + | |
- | these systems require users to create profiles that | + | |
- | feature photos and self-descriptions. Ellison, | + | |
- | Heino, and Gibbs’s (2006) interviews with online | + | |
- | daters revealed that users make overattributions | + | |
- | from minimal cues that prospective dates exhibit. | + | |
- | These include gross inferences based on spelling | + | |
- | errors and projections about individuals’ character | + | |
- | on the basis of what time of day or night he or she | + | |
- | initiates a date request. Gibbs, Ellison, and Heino | + | |
- | (2006) also drew on selective self-presentation | + | |
- | principles in their documentation of the dilemmas | + | |
- | faced by daters when honest self-presentations | + | |
- | produce fewer dates than do self-aggrandizing or | + | |
- | deceptive self-presentations (see also Whitty, 2008). | + | |
- | Research on deceptive self-presentation in | + | |
- | online dating profiles has made particular use of | + | |
- | the hyperpersonal model. Innovatively acquired | + | |
- | data demonstrate that most online daters misrepresent | + | |
- | their age, weight, and/or height online | + | |
- | (Toma et al., 2008; see also Hall, Park, Song, & | + | |
- | Cody, 2010). In several cases, these findings have | + | |
- | been attributed to CMC’s facility for selective | + | |
- | self-presentation and editing under asynchronous | + | |
- | communication conditions (Toma et al., | + | |
- | 2008). This hyperpersonal perspective has most | + | |
- | recently been applied to the manner in which | + | |
- | dating system users select or retouch the photographs | + | |
- | they post to their electronic profiles | + | |
- | (Hancock & Toma, 2009). | + | |
- | Additional work has added new explanatory | + | |
- | extensions to the model. Jiang, Bazarova, and | + | |
- | Hancock (2011) developed a framework for | + | |
- | understanding the exceptional impact of selfdisclosure | + | |
- | on intimacy in CMC compared with | + | |
- | face-to-face communication. Although individuals | + | |
- | disclose proportionately more, and more | + | |
- | intimately, in CMC than in face-to-face communication | + | |
- | (Tidwell & Walther, 2002), questions | + | |
- | remained over whether receivers (over) interpret | + | |
- | disclosures in a way that increases intimacy in | + | |
- | CMC more intensively than in off-line interactions. | + | |
- | Jiang et al. (2011) hypothesized that the | + | |
- | degree to which receiving disclosure from a conversational | + | |
- | partner affects intimacy is shaped by | + | |
- | the attributions a receiver makes for the partner’s | + | |
- | motivation to disclose. A 2 × 2 experiment included | + | |
- | CMC chat versus face-to-face interactions between | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——465 | + | |
- | a naive participant and a confederate who offered | + | |
- | several personal disclosures in one condition and | + | |
- | no disclosures in a control condition. Posttest | + | |
- | measures revealed that the CMC participants | + | |
- | receiving disclosures experienced greater intimacy | + | |
- | than did face-to-face participants. Among | + | |
- | those who were exposed to a greater degree of | + | |
- | disclosure, the CMC participants more frequently | + | |
- | perceived that the discloser’s behavior | + | |
- | was motivated by some aspect of their relationship | + | |
- | rather than by the medium or the discloser’s | + | |
- | disposition, | + | |
- | The type of attribution fully mediated | + | |
- | the relationship between the disclosure-bymedium | + | |
- | interaction and intimacy. In addition to | + | |
- | documenting a hyperpersonal effect of disclosure | + | |
- | on intimacy, this study provided a new attributional | + | |
- | mechanism to explain the effect, which is | + | |
- | also affected by the medium. | + | |
- | A self-attribution dynamic may also be operating | + | |
- | online that leads to exaggerated intimacy as | + | |
- | a result of online self-disclosure, | + | |
- | that has not appeared in the literature previously. | + | |
- | Although it is commonly understood that when | + | |
- | another person discloses to us, we experience | + | |
- | intimacy with that person, Collins and Miller’s | + | |
- | (1994) meta-analysis of the relationship between | + | |
- | disclosure and liking demonstrates an alternative | + | |
- | connection as well: When we disclose to another | + | |
- | person, our own disclosure increases our feelings | + | |
- | of intimacy toward the recipient. Thus, when | + | |
- | users naturally adapt to the absence of nonverbal | + | |
- | cues in CMC by disclosing proportionately more | + | |
- | than they do in face-to-face interaction (Joinson, | + | |
- | 2001; Tidwell & Walther, 2002), it may be due to | + | |
- | their own expression of relatively greater disclosure | + | |
- | (in addition to or instead of the reception of | + | |
- | others’ disclosures) that they attribute greater | + | |
- | intimacy to disclosive CMC conversations. | + | |
- | Although this contention warrants empirical | + | |
- | verification, | + | |
- | to the hyperpersonal cycle. | + | |
- | Another form of self-perception affecting | + | |
- | intimacy can be hypothesized on the basis of | + | |
- | findings that it takes several times longer to have | + | |
- | a conversation online than exchanging the same | + | |
- | amount of verbal content in a face-to-face meeting | + | |
- | (see Tidwell & Walther, 2002). If CMC chatters | + | |
- | have an online conversation that feels as | + | |
- | though it should only have taken an hour but | + | |
- | turns out to have taken four hours, and if the | + | |
- | communication rate differential is not apparent | + | |
- | to CMC interactants (as it is apparently unapparent | + | |
- | to online game players; Rau, Peng, & Yang, | + | |
- | 2006), this temporal distortion may also lead to | + | |
- | exaggerated inferences about the desirability of | + | |
- | the online partner. When time seems to pass | + | |
- | more quickly than it actually does, people attribute | + | |
- | enjoyment to the events that occurred during | + | |
- | that time (Sackett, Nelson, Meyvis, Converse, | + | |
- | & Sackett, 2009). | + | |
- | Other researchers have also examined the role | + | |
- | of disclosures in the development of relatively | + | |
- | more intimate relations online and their effects. | + | |
- | Valkenburg and Peter (2009) identify three relationships | + | |
- | among four specific processes that | + | |
- | explain how CMC may be related to improvements | + | |
- | in adolescents’ well-being. For reasons that | + | |
- | have appeared in the literature (see above; for a | + | |
- | review Kim & Dindia, 2011; see also Schouten, | + | |
- | Valkenburg, & Peter, 2007), the first important | + | |
- | relationship in the model is the effect of CMC in | + | |
- | promoting online self-disclosure. Drawing on | + | |
- | extensive literature, Valkenburg and Peter (2009) | + | |
- | proceed to connect self-disclosure with the development | + | |
- | of higher quality relationships among | + | |
- | people. Finally, the authors point out the connection | + | |
- | between high-quality relationships and | + | |
- | development of psychological well-being. The | + | |
- | first two linkages in particular implicate CMC as | + | |
- | a catalyst in the relationally-based development | + | |
- | of adolescent adjustment. | + | |
- | In contrast to Valkenburg and Peter’s depiction | + | |
- | of the beneficial effects of CMC to wellbeing, | + | |
- | another application of the hyperpersonal | + | |
- | model is seen in Caplan’s (2003) approach to the | + | |
- | study of problematic Internet use. Caplan focuses | + | |
- | on the usage and consequences of CMC by individuals | + | |
- | who have social skill deficits in their | + | |
- | face-to-face communication abilities and who | + | |
- | experience disruptive communication-related | + | |
- | anxieties. To such people, Caplan has shown that | + | |
- | 466——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | Internet interaction is especially appealing, particularly | + | |
- | real-time discussion systems. Because | + | |
- | CMC provides individuals greater control over | + | |
- | their messages and their self-presentation, | + | |
- | reduces anxiety (see also Amichai-Hamburger, | + | |
- | 2007). Under these conditions, individuals may | + | |
- | develop what Caplan (2005) refers to as a preference | + | |
- | for online social interaction, | + | |
- | by beliefs that one is safer, more efficacious, | + | |
- | more confident, and more comfortable with | + | |
- | online interpersonal interactions and relationships | + | |
- | than with traditional (face-to-face) social | + | |
- | activities” (p. 723). This use of CMC is paradoxical | + | |
- | and problematic, | + | |
- | research, because such individuals experience a | + | |
- | decline in their off-line social skills in conjunction | + | |
- | with their more socially rewarding online | + | |
- | interactions. | + | |
- | Warranting | + | |
- | A new theoretical construct, known as the warranting | + | |
- | construct, was introduced in the previous | + | |
- | edition of the Handbook of Interpersonal Communication | + | |
- | (Walther & Parks, 2002). Warranting | + | |
- | pertains to the perceived legitimacy and validity | + | |
- | of information about another person that one | + | |
- | may receive or observe online. Individuals often | + | |
- | come to learn quite a lot about each other | + | |
- | through discussions in topical online discussion | + | |
- | groups or through online role-playing games | + | |
- | (see Parks & Floyd, 1996; Parks & Roberts, 1998), | + | |
- | as well as from personal homepages and other | + | |
- | forms of online interaction and self-presentation, | + | |
- | including online dating sites (see Ellison et al., | + | |
- | 2006). However, as Donath (1999) explained, it is | + | |
- | widely suspected that the information one | + | |
- | obtains through interaction in such venues leaves | + | |
- | open the possibility for distorted self-presentations | + | |
- | and outright deception with respect to participants’ | + | |
- | off-line characteristics. As a relationship | + | |
- | develops online, there may come a point at which | + | |
- | it becomes very important to interactants to have | + | |
- | information that they believe reliably describes a | + | |
- | partner’s off-line characteristics. This may become | + | |
- | especially acute if they decide to initiate an offline | + | |
- | meeting, as many online friends and prospective | + | |
- | romantic partners decide to do (Parks & | + | |
- | Roberts, 1998). | + | |
- | The introduction of the warranting construct | + | |
- | argued that an individual is less likely to distort | + | |
- | his or her self-presentation when the receiver has | + | |
- | access to other members of the sender’s social | + | |
- | circle, since others can corroborate the individual’s | + | |
- | real-life characteristics and hold that person | + | |
- | accountable for misrepresentation. To increase a | + | |
- | partner’s confidence in one’s self-descriptions, | + | |
- | individual may make efforts to put an online | + | |
- | partner in touch with members of the individual’s | + | |
- | off-line network. | + | |
- | The greater value of the warranting construct is | + | |
- | found in its definition of what kind of information | + | |
- | provides more confidence to receivers about the | + | |
- | potentially true nature of an individual’s off-line | + | |
- | self. From this perspective, | + | |
- | be more confident about their impressions based | + | |
- | on information that is more likely to warrant, or | + | |
- | connect, the online persona to the off-line body | + | |
- | and person (see Stone, 1995). Information is more | + | |
- | likely to be seen as truthful to a receiver to the | + | |
- | extent that the receiver perceives it to be “immune | + | |
- | to manipulation by the person to whom it refers, | + | |
- | according to Walther and Parks (2002, p. 552). | + | |
- | They argued that CMC users may take deliberate | + | |
- | steps to provide online partners with information | + | |
- | having relatively great warranting value by using | + | |
- | links to individuals in one’s social network or | + | |
- | hyperlinks to websites or archives containing information | + | |
- | about the user over which the user himself | + | |
- | or herself has no control. | + | |
- | Recent research has provided several empirical | + | |
- | tests of the warranting construct. Although | + | |
- | warranting was originally conceptualized in the | + | |
- | context of relationships originating in text-based | + | |
- | online discussions, | + | |
- | and extended the construct to contemporary | + | |
- | multimedia websites in interesting ways. The first | + | |
- | reference to warranting came in a study of | + | |
- | impression management in online dating sites. | + | |
- | Ellison et al. (2006) reported that online date | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——467 | + | |
- | seekers warrant their claims about their proclivities | + | |
- | or participation in certain activities by | + | |
- | including photographs on their user profiles that | + | |
- | depict them engaged in the activity they are | + | |
- | claiming. Showing oneself rock climbing, for | + | |
- | instance, would be difficult to manipulate or | + | |
- | manufacture if it was not an individual’s actual | + | |
- | activity (see Donath, 1999, and below). Other | + | |
- | research from an online dating context (Toma | + | |
- | et al., 2008) found that individuals who used | + | |
- | online date-finding services distorted their online | + | |
- | self-presentation to a lesser extent the more their | + | |
- | off-line acquaintances knew they were using | + | |
- | these services. Similarly, Warkentin et al. (2010) | + | |
- | investigated whether individuals’ displays of | + | |
- | information that could be used to hold them to | + | |
- | account for self-presentations affected the frequency | + | |
- | and degree of deception they displayed | + | |
- | with respect to their claims about demographic | + | |
- | characteristics and personal tastes and preferences. | + | |
- | Although chat systems featured more | + | |
- | deception than was present in social network | + | |
- | profiles and e-mail, the presence of cues to offline | + | |
- | identity in any of these platforms reduced | + | |
- | the level of deception in that medium, according | + | |
- | to Warkentin et al. | + | |
- | Walther, Van Der Heide, Hamel, and Shulman | + | |
- | (2009) tested warranting experimentally by juxtaposing | + | |
- | flattering versus unflattering statements | + | |
- | about an individual on mock-up Facebook profiles. | + | |
- | The comments were made to appear to have | + | |
- | been posted by the profile owner or by the owner’s | + | |
- | Facebook friends. Facebook provides a format | + | |
- | in which an individual can indicate qualities | + | |
- | about himself or herself via “about me” descriptions, | + | |
- | favorite quotations, current activities, and | + | |
- | so on and where one’s acquaintances can also | + | |
- | post comments reflecting the activities and characteristics | + | |
- | of the profile host via postings on the | + | |
- | host’s “wall” (and other commenting systems). | + | |
- | When individuals’ suggestions about their own | + | |
- | physical attractiveness (either positive and selfpromoting | + | |
- | or negative and self-denigrating) | + | |
- | were contradicted by the cues contained in wall | + | |
- | postings from friends, observers’ ratings of the | + | |
- | profile owner significantly reflected the friends’ | + | |
- | comments more than the profile owner’s selfclaims. | + | |
- | A replication focusing on profile owners | + | |
- | and friends’ assessments of an individual’s extraversion | + | |
- | provided more ambiguous results. In | + | |
- | related research, an experiment that varied only | + | |
- | the coefficients representing the number of | + | |
- | friends a Facebook profile owner appeared to | + | |
- | have found a curvilinear relationship between | + | |
- | the number of one’s friends and the observers’ | + | |
- | ratings of the profile owner’s popularity and | + | |
- | social attractiveness (Tong, Van Der Heide, | + | |
- | Langwell, & Walther, 2008). Although the sociometric | + | |
- | friend coefficient did not contradict any | + | |
- | particular self-generated claim of the profile | + | |
- | owner, its effect nevertheless reinforces the influential | + | |
- | nature of online information about a user | + | |
- | that is beyond the immediate reach of the user to | + | |
- | manipulate. A similar study by Utz (2010) examined | + | |
- | observers’ ratings of a profile owner’s popularity | + | |
- | and social attractiveness via the Dutch | + | |
- | Hyves social network site. Profile mock-ups | + | |
- | reflected variations in self-claims for extraversion, | + | |
- | the photographically depicted extraversion | + | |
- | of nine of one’s friends, and the number of | + | |
- | friends a profile owner had. An interaction effect | + | |
- | between the number of friends and the apparent | + | |
- | extraversion of friends significantly affected the | + | |
- | social attractiveness ratings of the profile owner. | + | |
- | The warranting principle remains a relatively | + | |
- | new construct at this time, although its empirical | + | |
- | application in contemporary multimedia systems | + | |
- | suggests that it is likely to see additional | + | |
- | rather than decreased use. Concerns about the | + | |
- | legitimacy of others’ online self-presentations | + | |
- | has been a pernicious issue related to CMC since | + | |
- | before the widespread diffusion of the Internet | + | |
- | (see Van Gelder, 1985), and sensationalistic | + | |
- | accounts of identity deception and manipulation | + | |
- | still attract headlines (Labi, 2007). Likewise, as | + | |
- | systems for meeting new friends and lovers shift | + | |
- | from the casual discussion site to purposive | + | |
- | online dating sites, concerns about others’ online | + | |
- | authenticity continues (Lawson & Leck, 2006). | + | |
- | Theoretical structures that help explain how | + | |
- | 468——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | CMC users assess the veridicality of others’ | + | |
- | online self-presentations may increase in value. | + | |
- | Efficiency Framework | + | |
- | A new framework was developed to resolve previously | + | |
- | contradictory findings about satisfaction | + | |
- | with, and the effectiveness of, CMC collaboration. | + | |
- | Its investigation has incorporated very novel | + | |
- | CMC technologies and has implicated presence | + | |
- | as a mediating factor. | + | |
- | The framework’s developers, Nowak, Watt, and | + | |
- | Walther (2005, 2009), noted that many studies of | + | |
- | CMC generated relatively low ratings on interpersonal | + | |
- | satisfaction and related notions (typically in | + | |
- | field experiments or surveys) compared with ratings | + | |
- | of face-to-face communication or video communication. | + | |
- | Although researchers are frequently | + | |
- | aware of the known linkage between interpersonal | + | |
- | cohesiveness and productivity or quality, many of | + | |
- | the same studies in which CMC earned lower | + | |
- | sociability ratings found no deleterious effects of | + | |
- | CMC on task accomplishment. For example, | + | |
- | Galagher and Kraut (1994) found that text-based | + | |
- | CMC groups were less satisfied with their communication | + | |
- | than video-mediated groups but that | + | |
- | there were no significant differences in the quality | + | |
- | of the outputs that these conditions produced. | + | |
- | Research assessing CMC often relies on measurements | + | |
- | of its subjective appeal and does not consider | + | |
- | its instrumental utility for communicative | + | |
- | tasks independently. | + | |
- | Nowak et al. (2009) argue that users are likely | + | |
- | to conflate their impressions of CMC’s presence | + | |
- | and satisfaction with their estimates of its utility. | + | |
- | Enjoyment or frustration responses override an | + | |
- | individual’s objective assessment of effectiveness, | + | |
- | and individuals may be expected to dislike CMC | + | |
- | when there are easier alternatives (see Korzenny’s, | + | |
- | 1978, electronic propinquity theory, described | + | |
- | above). People are cognitive and behavioral | + | |
- | misers, as Nowak et al. (2009) note, and prefer to | + | |
- | do a task using less effort than using more effort. | + | |
- | Compared with face-to-face communication, | + | |
- | CMC is more effortful. Face-to-face communication | + | |
- | is intuitive and provides rapid exchange of | + | |
- | information through multiple modalities. Drawing | + | |
- | on SIP theory, CMC may be just as capable as | + | |
- | face-to-face interaction in achieving task and | + | |
- | social outcomes, but it requires more time and | + | |
- | effort, which are inherently less desirable in most | + | |
- | cases than doing things in an easier way. There is | + | |
- | a natural efficiency to face-to-face communication | + | |
- | that is often satisfying. | + | |
- | Satisfaction and utility may be unrelated, | + | |
- | however, or even inversely related, depending on | + | |
- | the task. When people collaborate on writing | + | |
- | something together, for instance, talk is only | + | |
- | useful to a point. In contrast, if collaborators | + | |
- | plan, organize, and execute a writing task via the | + | |
- | written (and stored and editable) medium of | + | |
- | CMC, it may provide a greater efficiency in the | + | |
- | long run, since things have been made recorded, | + | |
- | retrievable, | + | |
- | not. This process is not less effortful than talk. | + | |
- | Greater effort, however, in addition to being | + | |
- | frustrating, | + | |
- | way, the efficiency framework attempts to | + | |
- | explain how, within and across studies, CMC | + | |
- | may be rated as socially unsatisfactory but, nevertheless, | + | |
- | may offer instrumental benefits. To | + | |
- | evaluate CMC on an affective basis alone, which | + | |
- | is common, may be misleading from a utilitarian | + | |
- | perspective. | + | |
- | Empirical research on the efficiency framework | + | |
- | has been extremely limited. One study involved | + | |
- | small groups collaborating on the preparation of | + | |
- | presentations for five weeks, using face-to-face | + | |
- | meetings, text-based real-time chats at specific | + | |
- | times, asynchronous text-based conferencing, | + | |
- | real-time videoconferencing, | + | |
- | video communication system that allowed members | + | |
- | to record, leave, and play multimodal messages | + | |
- | to and from one another (Nowak et al., | + | |
- | 2009). Consistent with previous research and | + | |
- | the efficiency framework’s predictions, | + | |
- | questionnaires showed higher scores | + | |
- | on presence and conversational involvement for | + | |
- | face-to-face communication above all other conditions. | + | |
- | A greater number of cue systems also | + | |
- | led to greater subjective project quality and satisfaction, | + | |
- | as did synchronous (compared with | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——469 | + | |
- | asynchronous) media. With respect to the objective | + | |
- | quality of their projects, however, external | + | |
- | coders’ ratings identified the asynchronous video | + | |
- | condition as having facilitated the best actual | + | |
- | work, with no other differences between conditions. | + | |
- | Real-time versus asynchronous comparisons | + | |
- | did not affect the quality of the work. | + | |
- | Although this perspective seems especially | + | |
- | suited for the study of mediated collaborations, | + | |
- | its central lessons may apply to a variety of | + | |
- | interpersonal as well as instrumental settings as | + | |
- | media characteristics evolve: Those media that | + | |
- | are the easiest to use may not, in fact, offer | + | |
- | the greatest instrumental benefit. As interface | + | |
- | options increase and become more natural, | + | |
- | more research will be needed that separates | + | |
- | affective reactions from those pertaining to | + | |
- | interaction goals. In strictly recreational social | + | |
- | settings, these two aspects—social and purposive | + | |
- | outcomes—may be isomorphic. As new | + | |
- | electronic media such as avatar-based systems | + | |
- | and desktop video are employed for an increasing | + | |
- | number of activities, including the common | + | |
- | instrumentalities that make up so much of the | + | |
- | maintenance of ongoing relationships, | + | |
- | easier is better or not, will deserve continued | + | |
- | reexamination. | + | |
- | ICT Succession | + | |
- | Perhaps the most recent new framework about | + | |
- | CMC is Stephens’s (2007) prescriptive formulation | + | |
- | involving the strategic sequencing of messages | + | |
- | across multiple communication channels. | + | |
- | This approach recognizes different forms of | + | |
- | information and communication technologies | + | |
- | (ICTs), including traditional media, face-to-face | + | |
- | channels, and newer forms of CMC. It primarily | + | |
- | concerns how combinations of ICTs predict | + | |
- | communication effectiveness in organizational | + | |
- | communication, | + | |
- | related to the use of the media for “tasks that are | + | |
- | personal and social in nature” (p. 499). | + | |
- | In terms of its structure, the ICT succession | + | |
- | model presents several propositions inferred by | + | |
- | the author from principles and findings in a wide | + | |
- | variety of literatures, | + | |
- | from a set of related higher order constructs. The | + | |
- | major theoretical terms of the model can be | + | |
- | identified as (a) successive (vs. single) message | + | |
- | transmissions and (b) complementary (vs. singular) | + | |
- | channel usage. The central proposition of the | + | |
- | model is that the repetition of a message through | + | |
- | two different types of communication channels | + | |
- | causes the greatest communication effectiveness | + | |
- | and efficiency (for certain types of tasks). For | + | |
- | example, a message sent once face-to-face might | + | |
- | be followed up by e-mail, or vice versa, which | + | |
- | should be more effective than repeating messages | + | |
- | using a single medium (or no repetitions at all). | + | |
- | Among these terms and relationships, | + | |
- | versus successive messaging is easily defined: | + | |
- | A communicator may send a message once or | + | |
- | send it more than once. The definition of complementary | + | |
- | modalities is less clear. The model | + | |
- | reflects a variety of different approaches to identify | + | |
- | groupings of channels based on criteria | + | |
- | found in other CMC theories as well as in perceptual | + | |
- | studies of media uses and gratifications | + | |
- | (Flanagin & Metzger, 2001), rather than on the | + | |
- | basis of some underlying functional property. It | + | |
- | clusters channels into the following groups: faceto-face, | + | |
- | mass media, oral media, or textual media. | + | |
- | Although a proposition refers to “maximizing | + | |
- | modalities through complementary successive | + | |
- | ICT use” (Stephens, 2007, p. 496), the theory | + | |
- | does not indicate what kind of combinations | + | |
- | among different ICT groups would be optimally | + | |
- | complementary. It may be that the use of two | + | |
- | nominally different ICTs constitutes sufficient | + | |
- | complementarity, | + | |
- | address the superiority of mass media as an initial | + | |
- | medium and elsewhere the benefit of textbased | + | |
- | media for subsequent messages. | + | |
- | The ICT succession model received mixed | + | |
- | empirical support in a recent experiment | + | |
- | (Stephens & Rains, 2011). Research confederates | + | |
- | either e-mailed a persuasive message to participants | + | |
- | encouraging them to use the career services | + | |
- | center at their universities or read the message | + | |
- | face-to-face to the participant. A few minutes | + | |
- | later, based on the experimental condition, one | + | |
- | 470——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | of several events transpired: (a) a confederate | + | |
- | then communicated a second message, with different | + | |
- | content, that also advocated using the | + | |
- | career services center, using either the same | + | |
- | channel (e-mail or face-to-face) as the first message | + | |
- | or the other of the two channels, or (b) a | + | |
- | confederate provided a message about a different | + | |
- | topic using one or other of the media combinations. | + | |
- | This experimental design allowed the | + | |
- | researchers to examine the influence of media | + | |
- | succession on outcomes independently of the | + | |
- | effect of the simple addition of more persuasive | + | |
- | arguments. Results revealed significantly greater | + | |
- | intention to use the career services center when | + | |
- | messages were conveyed using complementary | + | |
- | successive messages than when other message/ | + | |
- | media combinations were used, although attitudes | + | |
- | (rather than intentions), | + | |
- | effectiveness perceptions, | + | |
- | among the conditions as predicted. Complementary | + | |
- | media effects overrode the simple | + | |
- | effects of being exposed to multiple messages. | + | |
- | In one sense, the ICT succession theory offers | + | |
- | a modest digital-age update and elaboration to | + | |
- | conventional suggestions. As Koehler, Anatol, | + | |
- | and Applbaum wrote in their 1976 organizational | + | |
- | communication textbook, “We suggest | + | |
- | that a combination of oral and written (printed) | + | |
- | media are more effective in achieving employee | + | |
- | understanding than either oral or written messages | + | |
- | alone” (p. 204). The initial empirical | + | |
- | research compared two media that are rather | + | |
- | conventional by current standards, and despite | + | |
- | the Stephens and Rains (2011) article’s title | + | |
- | alluding to interpersonal interaction, | + | |
- | processes per se seem to have been | + | |
- | involved. Nevertheless, | + | |
- | researchers’ discussion of the model offer a | + | |
- | glimpse at research to come that may expand the | + | |
- | scope of the predictions beyond conventional | + | |
- | wisdom or first-generation Internet applications. | + | |
- | When the authors point out that “ICTs such as | + | |
- | mobile phones, e-mail, text messaging, and | + | |
- | instant messaging have made it increasingly possible | + | |
- | to communicate repeated messages over | + | |
- | time” (p. 102), they open the door to the discovery | + | |
- | of media selection strategies that may go well | + | |
- | beyond choices based on differences in the number | + | |
- | of code systems supported by different media. | + | |
- | How communication partners may choose | + | |
- | among many more options than simply just written | + | |
- | versus oral ones may be an interesting focus | + | |
- | of inquiry and illuminate much about communicators’ | + | |
- | literacies, opportunities, | + | |
- | and communication strategies. These issues will | + | |
- | bear repeated attention across both organizational | + | |
- | and relational contexts such as the development | + | |
- | of friendships, | + | |
- | conflict, and perhaps relational dissolution. The | + | |
- | issue of multimodality is addressed more fully | + | |
- | below, after some other concluding observations. | + | |
- | Challenges to CMC Research | + | |
- | This review ends with some notes of concern | + | |
- | about current trends in CMC research. These | + | |
- | concerns focus on three issues: (1) the increasing | + | |
- | neglect of off-line comparisons in CMC studies, | + | |
- | potentially undermining broad theoretical | + | |
- | understanding and leading to potentially inflated | + | |
- | views of CMC’s effects; (2) how and whether new | + | |
- | technologies affect the utility of theories that | + | |
- | were developed in the context of somewhat older | + | |
- | technological contexts; and (3) how we study | + | |
- | interpersonal communication when many relationships | + | |
- | are radically multimodal. | + | |
- | There appears to be an increasing tendency for | + | |
- | CMC research to focus on different features and | + | |
- | different users of CMC and not to make comparisons | + | |
- | with face-to-face communication or communication | + | |
- | using other traditional media. This trend | + | |
- | is supported by different disciplinary orientations | + | |
- | about what questions should concern us and by the | + | |
- | development of research tools that make CMC | + | |
- | much easier to analyze than its off-line counterpart. | + | |
- | For a number of years, many researchers have | + | |
- | extolled the end of the face-to-face “gold standard” | + | |
- | for CMC research (for a review, see Nardi & | + | |
- | Whittaker, 2002), meaning that online behavior | + | |
- | itself is a legitimate and significant focus of study | + | |
- | and that descriptions of it, or comparisons of different | + | |
- | interfaces or users, are sufficiently interesting | + | |
- | without having to compare observations of online | + | |
- | Chapter 14: Computer-Mediated Communication and Interpersonal Relations——471 | + | |
- | to off-line behavior. Technology design research, | + | |
- | for example, may largely be uninformed by what | + | |
- | happens off-line, since its focus is on the discovery | + | |
- | of technology users’ needs and preferences and the | + | |
- | evaluation of technology features that optimally | + | |
- | address those criteria. | + | |
- | Additionally, | + | |
- | in the development of low-cost computer programs | + | |
- | that provide powerful analyses of digitally | + | |
- | represented behavior. In particular, language | + | |
- | analysis programs that can be applied to large | + | |
- | corpuses of digital texts have made online behavior | + | |
- | more amenable to analysis and made textual | + | |
- | analysis far less onerous than it previously was. | + | |
- | The ease, cost, availability, | + | |
- | applications make them very appealing. At the | + | |
- | same time, their availability may privilege analysis | + | |
- | of the kind of digital primary data to which | + | |
- | the programs are especially well suited and facilitate | + | |
- | disregard for the analysis of analog face-toface | + | |
- | interaction recordings, which require | + | |
- | significant resources to transcribe and/or prepare | + | |
- | for digital analysis. | + | |
- | These factors, as well as others, may be promoting | + | |
- | the analysis of online interpersonal | + | |
- | behavior more frequently and of off-line behavior | + | |
- | less so. Although to many of us the dynamics | + | |
- | of organic online behavior are often quite interesting, | + | |
- | the lack of comparison with off-line | + | |
- | behaviors has the potential to lead to artificial | + | |
- | conclusions. We may infer support using native | + | |
- | digital sources for theoretically universal effects | + | |
- | when the effects are limited. We may likewise | + | |
- | conclude that certain behaviors are primarily or | + | |
- | exclusively the result of various qualities of | + | |
- | media, but without comparison with off-line | + | |
- | behavior that may exhibit similar patterns, such | + | |
- | conclusions may be fallacious and misleading. | + | |
- | Second, questions arise whether new technologies | + | |
- | should lead us to retire theories that | + | |
- | were developed in light of other, older technologies. | + | |
- | Good ways to ask these questions examine | + | |
- | the boundary conditions and scope of extant | + | |
- | theories. We should always assess how the topography | + | |
- | of new technologies’ features meet or | + | |
- | violate the assumptions of a theory. As discussed | + | |
- | above, theories that were premised on the lack of | + | |
- | visual information about one’s partners may not | + | |
- | hold as much utility for multimedia interfaces. | + | |
- | At the same time, advances in technologyenabled | + | |
- | social arrangements allow us to see if | + | |
- | theories can stretch their original assumptive | + | |
- | boundaries. Human and Lane (2008), for | + | |
- | instance, have appropriated elements of electronic | + | |
- | propinquity theory and the hyperpersonal | + | |
- | model to try to account for the idealization | + | |
- | that emerges through the online communication | + | |
- | that takes place between the occasional face-toface | + | |
- | meetings of geographically separated offline | + | |
- | relational partners. Exploring the degree to | + | |
- | which the processes implicated in older models | + | |
- | may be reconfigured for newer media presents | + | |
- | intriguing possibilities (as is demonstrably the | + | |
- | case with electronic propinquity theory). To the | + | |
- | extent that the older media’s boundary conditions | + | |
- | continue to appear within other, newer | + | |
- | systems, the vitality of the theories remains even | + | |
- | if the scope of their application declines. When | + | |
- | multimedia news stories or videos appear in a | + | |
- | Web 2.0 application but are accompanied by | + | |
- | user-generated comments appearing as anonymous, | + | |
- | plain-text messages, for example, theories | + | |
- | premised on unimodal media and focused on | + | |
- | anonymity remain quite potent with respect to | + | |
- | the effects of the comments. | + | |
- | Finally, just as the previous Handbook suggested | + | |
- | that relationships may develop through | + | |
- | multiple modalities (Walther & Parks, 2002), | + | |
- | many researchers have come to suggest that interpersonal | + | |
- | communication research must explicitly | + | |
- | recognize that contemporary relationships are | + | |
- | not conducted through one medium or another | + | |
- | but often through a great variety of channels. | + | |
- | Multimodality has become the primary channel | + | |
- | characteristic of interpersonal relationships: | + | |
- | We conduct our relationships face-to-face, | + | |
- | over the phone, and online through modes | + | |
- | as diverse as e-mail, instant messaging, | + | |
- | social network friending, personal messages, | + | |
- | comments, shared participation in | + | |
- | discussion forums and online games, and | + | |
- | the sharing of digital photos, music, and | + | |
- | videos. (Baym, 2009, p. 721) | + | |
- | 472——PART IV: Processes and Functions | + | |
- | Research has yet to conceptualize what this means | + | |
- | for the study of relationships, | + | |
- | media ecologies (e.g., Barnes, 2009), the implications | + | |
- | of which are not yet clear beyond phenomenological | + | |
- | levels. Even advocates of a multimodal | + | |
- | perspective at times do no more than survey individuals | + | |
- | about the use of all their Internet and | + | |
- | mobile applications and enter their total new technology | + | |
- | use as one undifferentiated predictor variable | + | |
- | comparing new technology, old media, and | + | |
- | face-to-face interaction on relational outcomes of | + | |
- | some kind. In contrast, other researchers have | + | |
- | advanced good questions based on established | + | |
- | theories applied to new media to describe and | + | |
- | explain the disappointing effects of moving a new | + | |
- | relationship from online to off-line and back (e.g., | + | |
- | Ramirez & Wang, 2008; Ramirez & Zhang, 2007). | + | |
- | We will need new theoretical concepts with | + | |
- | which to describe the functional attributes of | + | |
- | groups of technologies. Qualities such as the | + | |
- | opportunistic availability of different media (e.g., | + | |
- | texting or mobile-enabled microblogging) may | + | |
- | be such a concept. Economy of effort may be a | + | |
- | useful property with which to describe social | + | |
- | media that allow one to contribute to the maintenance | + | |
- | of numerous relationships with a single | + | |
- | message. Knowing which applications provide | + | |
- | asymmetrical interpersonal information-seeking | + | |
- | (I can Google you without you knowing it) or | + | |
- | symmetrical requirements (You have to grant me | + | |
- | access to your Facebook profile before you can | + | |
- | see mine) may be a useful frame, depending on | + | |
- | the theoretical questions these phenomena | + | |
- | arouse. It is also likely that different media are | + | |
- | used in functional, strategic sequences (beyond | + | |
- | repetition) that may illuminate relational patterns. | + | |
- | Our chapter in the previous Handbook | + | |
- | quoted Mitchell (1995): “Hacker lore has it that | + | |
- | burgeoning cyberspace romances progress | + | |
- | through broadening bandwidth and multiplying | + | |
- | modalities—from exchange of e-mail to phone | + | |
- | and photo, then taking the big step of going | + | |
- | (face-to-face), | + | |
- | Lore aside, technology sequences and their relational | + | |
- | significance deserve an update: If a man | + | |
- | takes an interest in a woman he sees in a class, he | + | |
- | may want to scan the Web for information about | + | |
- | her. If that search suggests potential reward, he | + | |
- | may talk to her to establish a minimal basis of | + | |
- | familiarity so that he can request access to her | + | |
- | social network profile and be able to see how | + | |
- | many friends she has, what they look like, what | + | |
- | their comments have to say about her, and how | + | |
- | she interacts with them in turn. If results are | + | |
- | encouraging, | + | |
- | come next, followed by a reinforcing e-mail or | + | |
- | social network posting. Do increases in channel | + | |
- | access signify relational escalation? Do we meet | + | |
- | new partners’ Flickr family photo collection | + | |
- | before we meet the parents, and why? Rather | + | |
- | than resign ourselves to undifferentiated, | + | |
- | multimodality, | + | |
- | the strategic and interpersonal signification | + | |
- | possibilities it presents as its users exploit | + | |
- | the vast relational potentials of CMC. | + | |
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theories_of_computer_mediated_communication_and_interpersonal_relations.1492392270.txt.gz · Last modified: 2017/04/17 09:54 by hkimscil